The State We're In

Learning from the fascinating astronomical wonders above us

What can the stars tell us about our past, present and future? More than you think. The skies are a fascinating place, full of many, many wonders. Sometimes those wonders even make their way to Earth, as we saw in the recent explosion of a meteor over New England. David McDonald, an astronomy teacher and Astronomy Club adviser – among many other things – at Belmont High School, has been studying the stars with his students and will share his insights with us.

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Melanie Plenda:

Tell us about the astronomy program and the Astronomy Club at Belmont High.

David McDonald:

I have about five students in my astronomy class, and I have about five students in my Astronomy Club. The club meets after school, and then we also have special events that we put on in astronomy class. It is a study in astronomy, from the nucleus of an atom to stars, black holes, and everything in-between. The Astronomy Club puts on different events for the public so that they can come and look through telescopes or be educated in some way.

Melanie Plenda:

What sparked your own interest in astronomy?

David McDonald:

I became interested in astronomy when I was in the 7th grade and came across a book in the library called, “Point to the Stars.” I picked it up and started thumbing through the pages and some transparency paper, traced some of the information and star shapes and constellations that were in the book, and went out and tried to find these things. Then, in the 9th grade, for Christmas, my parents bought me a telescope, and so now I'm looking at the stars with my eyes, finding constellations and stars and I'm hooked. I've been interested in it ever since. 

Melanie Plenda:

The Astronomy Club recently did a project about stars 250 light years away, in celebration of our nation’s independence. First, explain what a light year is exactly.

David McDonald:

A light year is how far light travels in a year. The speed is 186,000 miles per second. So, if we could flatten out earth — and this is not to say I'm part of the Flat Earth Society — a light beam would go around the circumference of earth seven and a half times in one second. From here to the moon, it takes about one second and a quarter. In a year, a beam of light travels about 580 billion miles in a year.

Melanie Plenda:

Tell us more about that 250 light years project. What did it entail? 

David McDonald:

Our project was to find stars that are about 250 light years away. One of the things we want to do is to be able to bring those stars to your backyard. So you can actually find these stars — and we found several that are bright enough to be easily found. What that means is when you go out in June and July, and you look at these stars today — the photons that are reaching your eyes are registering the light that left those stars 250 years ago when we were declaring our independence. 

Melanie Plenda:

Was your club tracking the meteor that fell on May 30, or did that catch you all by surprise? 

David McDonald:

I think it caught everybody by surprise, for sure. There's a website that I recommend to visit called Spaceweather, and as you scroll down a couple or three pages worth, you'll come to a place where it talks about near asteroids and meteors, and this one, which was about five meters in diameter was not even on the list for Saturday. So it literally came out of nowhere, and I think it surprised everybody, including astronomers. This was going like 42,000 miles an hour — which is like 60 times the speed of sound — and when you break the sound barrier, that's where you get that sonic boom happening, which was heard for many miles around. And it broke up around 30 or so miles up in the atmosphere, fragmented. The good news is nobody got hurt, and it landed around Cape Cod. 

The bad news is nothing landed in New Hampshire, which is sad, because you may or may not know, there's never been a meteorite found in New Hampshire. So if this thing was maybe 60 miles or so further north, and went in the ocean off Hampton Beach — because again, we don't want anybody getting hurt — maybe a fragment or two might have landed on the beach or something, and we could see the first meteorite found in New Hampshire.

Melanie Plenda:

What can amateur astronomers look out for if they check out the stars this summer? 

David McDonald: 

It's a great summer sky to look at, and so visually we have what's called the summer triangle, which are three stars. Vega is kind of in the overhead position, very bright white and bluish. Then there's a star called Deneb and at the tail of Cygnus the Swan. Then there's another star called Altair, which is in the constellation of Aquila the Eagle, and those three bright stars make up what we call the summer triangle.

Vega is in the constellation of Lyra the Harp, and there's like a quadrilateral there that you can see. Vega’s the brightest star, but right nearby, right near to the bottom two stars in the middle, what's called the Ring Nebula, and it is the remnants of a star that exploded a lot of years ago. With a large enough telescope, you can see in the middle there's a faint little dot, which is the white dwarf — the remnants of the star that exploded. 

Then watch out for the Perseid meteor shower, and Aug. 12 and 13 are generally the high points. You want to go out at night — the better time is after midnight — and one thing you have to do is get your eyes adjusted, because a lot of people, they go out in their porch, they go out of their driveway, they look up for 10 minutes, don't see anything and they go back inside. Your eyes aren't even adjusted yet to the darkness, so you want to go out for at least a half-hour. Somewhere between midnight and 4 o'clock in the morning, I would suggest you get your lawn chair out and sit back, look up and tell your neighbors to turn their lights out and enjoy the show, because the Perseid is generally a very active shower, where you may see 1520 meteors in the course of an hour.

Melanie Plenda:

David McDonald, astronomy teacher and club adviser at Belmont High, thank you for joining us today. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

Education Scorecard gives a detailed look at eroding progress in students’ skills

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Elementary school students’ progress in reading and math has been quietly stagnating and even eroding for more than a decade across the nation. What’s going on and how can we fix it? Dr. Douglas O. Staiger,  a professor at Dartmouth College who focuses on the economics of education and healthcare and one of the authors of the recently released Education Scorecard, discusses education outcomes across the nation and in New Hampshire.


Rosemary Ford:

What is the Education Scorecard?

Douglas O. Staiger:

This is a collaboration with the Harvard Center for Education Policy Research, the Stanford Equal Opportunity Project and me here at Dartmouth. We're trying to address a need for timely and comparable evidence on achievement across states and over time. Part of the problem is that every state has a different test; they have different standards for what's proficient. And we've used the nation's report card, the National Assessment of Educational Progress to kind of calibrate and put all the states on the same scale.

The goal of this project was to really get down to the level where we would be able to show people how their district has been doing, and every year since the pandemic, since 2022 we've been releasing the new annual data. Now the 2025 spring test is out, so people can look and see how they are doing. You can pull up your own district and a district report and see how you're doing relative to similar districts. For each district, we find four or five similar districts within the state, and relative to your state average.

We had 40 something states last year, but a few states we had to drop because of changes in their tests and we couldn't quite use their new data yet, so we have 37 states now. But it's pretty representative of the country. 

Rosemary Ford:

What are some of the key findings? 

Douglas O. Staiger:

The big picture is that many people don't know that we had an incredible growth in student achievement based on the nation's report card in the last two decades. Leading up to about 2013, many people have attributed that to the accountability in No Child Left Behind and similar state programs, and average achievement rates across the nation increased about two grade levels. So that means if students in the state were averaging about fourth grade level, if their fourth grade students were at that level in 1993 by 2013 on average they were at about a sixth grade level, an unbelievable improvement. Nobody would have guessed that was possible, but then starting around 2013 it's turned around. 

The increases were two grade levels in math and about one grade level in reading over that time period, but since 2013 both math and reading have steadily declined by about a grade level. So in math, we've lost half of the gains that we had in the prior two decades, and in reading we're back to where we were in the early ‘90s on reading scores. I think people haven't fully appreciated that there was this turnaround — that’s what we're calling the “education recession,” or the “learning recession,” and it was accelerated during the pandemic. We had some reports on what happened during the pandemic, but especially in math it had started before the pandemic. Since the pandemic, math has recovered a bit, reading has not — it's been flat or even declining. 

We've been looking at what's associated with these declines — especially since 2019 the pandemic and post-pandemic period — and we tend to see some things that maybe aren't surprising. Districts that spent more time in remote or hybrid learning during the pandemic had larger declines, and that was especially true in high-poverty districts. There were really two main things that seemed to be associated with which districts had the fastest recovery. One was all the money from the pandemic relief, the ESSER [the federal Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief Fund] money, some especially high-poverty districts were getting on average about $8,000 per student in recovery money — so real money that could be used for academic recovery. And what we see from 2022 in the recovery period until 2025 is actually fast recovery in the poorest districts. I think the wealthy districts have their own resources. The poorest districts got the pandemic relief, and it's the middle-range districts, the middle-income districts, that are still quite a bit behind and have had a very slow recovery from the pandemic.

Rosemary Ford:

How is New Hampshire doing?

Douglas O. Staiger:

New Hampshire has been in the middle of the pack for states across the country. They had a similar decline since 2013 and a similar decline over the pandemic since 2019. One interesting thing is at this point — both math and reading in New Hampshire have declined a similar amount since 2019 about four-tenths of a grade level., but they got there in different ways.

Math fell more during the pandemic, so by 2022 we were down about six-tenths of a grade level in math, and then it's recovered about two- tenths of a grade level in the last three years. Reading fell a little less, and then continued to decline. So now they're kind of both about four-tenths of a grade level behind where they were in 2019. So there's still a lot to do both in math and reading.

Rosemary Ford:

Based on your research, what would make a difference when it comes to education outcomes here in New Hampshire? For example, what advice would you give to policymakers?

Douglas O. Staiger:

There are a couple of things that jumped out. One is that I mentioned the ESSER money. That money, if spent wisely, can really matter, and right now those middle-income districts that didn't get a lot of ESSER money and didn't have their own resources have not recovered so well. Spending wisely at the state level — the state has limited resources, but the ability to somehow support those districts to improve, whether it's through resources or connections to other districts,

What is it that will make the most difference for your kids' achievement? Looking at evidence, looking at what other districts have done that seem to work, thinking about teachers are so critical. Thinking about what you can do to support your teachers to help them. My mantra is always, “A better teacher for less time.” They're being really heroic in the amount of time they put in teaching, so you can't expect them to put in more and more hours, you have to make them better teachers for the time they have.

Another thing that came out of our research is that it's very clear that absences went way up during the pandemic. Chronic absences about doubled from 2019 to 2022. They've come down a bit since, but they're still elevated. We found that with higher absence rates your students' test scores are more likely to be declining. Our estimates were roughly that if a student misses 10% of the days, which is chronic absence, they lose about 10% of a grade level. Now we found that if people got back to their old absence rates, where they were in 2019, it would make a noticeable difference. It wouldn't get you all the way back, but it would definitely have made a difference. So that's something I think many districts are focused on. There’s no magic bullet anyone's found on absences. A lot of things can make a small difference, and you have to kind of keep whittling away at it. 

Rosemary Ford:

Let’s talk a bit about the economic impact of some of these outcomes. There are people who may think, “I don’t have a kid or grandkid in the schools, why should this concern me?” How would you explain why this is important for everyone?

Douglas O. Staiger:

This is an investment. Economists call this an investment in human capital. There's good evidence that investments you make when kids are in school pay off later in life. You see their longer-term outcomes — not just things like earnings and working, which benefit the entire community, but also things like teen childbearing, crime and being in prison, being on income support. All those things people have found that when the test scores are rising in the state, — like for example that period where test scores increased so much from in the late in the ‘90s and 2000s — you could see the cohorts of kids who went through those schools later in life, and you really saw aligned changes in their life outcomes. People who are going to be adults, and these are going to be adults living in the community in 10 years. You want them to be successful, right? So, I think it will pay off for everybody in every dimension — not just earnings but there's a lot of other things, and all those things will be better if we make the investment now.

Rosemary Ford:

What’s next for the Education Scorecard?

Douglas O. Staiger:

We'll have more test scores. We'll be able to bring more states in for a variety of reasons. Each year we try to focus on some causes, what might be behind, and what are the current likely things that are causing the decline, or why some districts are rising. 

One of the next things is social media. The rise of cell phones and social media use in schools and by young people has gone way up, and that timing is right around when test scores started declining. So many people are concerned that maybe that is part of the cause. Like in New Hampshire, about half the states have some form of a ban on cell phones in public schools. Many others are working 24/7 trying to get evidence on this, because we don't really know about the effect of cell phones — there's met a lot of anecdotal evidence about how disruptive they are in the classroom and how they affect students' mental well-being, but there's not great evidence on whether these policies of banning cell phones have been able to reverse those effects. 

Rosemary Ford:

Thank you for joining us. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

Understanding property taxes in New Hampshire: Where does the money go and who pays them?

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

New Hampshire famously has no state income tax and no sales tax. So where does the government get the money to operate? Primarily property taxes. In New Hampshire, property taxes pay for roughly 61% of local government revenue — the highest percentage compared to any state in the country. Phil Sletten, research director of the N.H. Fiscal Policy Institute, talks about the ins and outs of property taxes in the Granite State.

Melanie Plenda:

Generally, how do property taxes work in New Hampshire?

Phil Sletten:

In New Hampshire, property taxes are based on an assessment of the value of the land and buildings on the land that's owned by a person or a company. Some states will tax other types of property, but in New Hampshire, it's the assessed value of that land and those buildings. The state requires that properties be assessed every five years at least. That usually happens with a city or town contracting with an agency to perform a physical site visit that determines what is the actual value, particularly the market value of that property, or what could the market value of that property be. 

The rates themselves are determined by the taxable property value within a city or town and the expenditures for local governments that cover that community. That includes municipal governments, city and town governments, school districts, county governments and any village districts or other governments that have a special taxing authority or expenditures within that community.

The property tax rate is set after all of the other revenue sources for that community are determined. That could be state or federal grants, motor vehicle registration fee payments, county nursing home fees, parking meter and parking ticket payments, money paid for school lunches — all that information goes to the state, and then the state evaluates, based on that and the assessed property values in the community, what the tax rate would be. It layers on the statewide education property tax as well, then approves that overall tax rate for that community. 

Melanie Plenda:

What do property taxes fund in New Hampshire?

Phil Sletten:

They're not a dedicated revenue source for the most part. There are two state-level property taxes. There's the statewide education property tax and the utility property tax. Those are both state taxes. Those are dedicated to funding public education and go to the state's Education Trust Fund.

The rest of the property taxes in the state depend on which local government is needing a certain amount of money for certain services. At the county level, property taxes might help pay for the county nursing home. At the school district level, property taxes might help pay for the expenses that school districts face, whether that's, special education costs, transportation costs, funding teacher salaries — that all goes into that education budget. At the municipal level, for city and town governments, it's for police and fire services, for upkeep of roads, trash collection, plowing roads — all of those things that cities and towns do on a regular basis.

Property taxes, in general, in New Hampshire are raised by local governments, and that property tax bill comes through on the municipal side, because those municipal borders matter a lot for what the property tax base is in a community. Those property tax bills — those aren't dedicated to funding one particular service or another beyond those different levels of government that they go to, whether it's counties or school districts or cities and towns. 

Melanie Plenda:

Why do these taxes vary so much from town to town, sometimes even between neighboring towns?

Phil Sletten:

I think it's important to remember that there's a couple of different parts to this equation. One is the expenditures that communities have. Different communities have different levels of need, different amounts of infrastructure that they need to take care of, in terms of the resources available within those communities and other revenue sources that those communities may have so that can affect property taxes. A lot of those decisions are made by voters locally: What quality of education are we providing there? What are the infrastructure needs? Do we have fire trucks that are running as well as we want our fire trucks to run? Those are all community-level decisions, so that's on the expenditure side. 

Even if all communities decided on exactly the same set of expenditures, the property taxes would vary because the property tax base matters a lot, and the amount of taxable property value within a community matters quite a bit. So some communities may have those higher expenses, but even if expenses were the same, the revenue picture would look different because of how communities are constrained by what's in their property tax base, and that affects the amount of money that's raised on a per-household or per-person basis. 

What do I mean by property tax base? I mean what can be taxed — what’s the taxable value of land and buildings within that community. And, based on that, if there's a higher amount of property that is taxable, then there's a lower tax rate. Or if there's a higher amount of taxable property per resident, then there may be a lower tax rate as well. 

Melanie Plenda:

How does having a focus on property taxes — without something like sales or income tax — impact the state?

Phil Sletten:

We do have some forms of sales tax — for example, the meals and rentals tax. When you go out to eat at a restaurant, you're paying a sales tax on that meal, if you're renting a hotel room or renting a car or if you're buying a pack of cigarettes or buying or selling property in the state, they're all forms of sales taxes that are within the state's tax system. However, we don't have a broad-based income tax or a broad-based sales tax — we're one of two states that don't have either a broad-based income or broad-based sales tax. The other is Alaska.

In New Hampshire, we rely on property taxes, and disproportionately on local property taxes to fund public services. That local focus is, I think, a particularly important component here, because that means that since we're relying on property taxes, and since we're relying on local property taxes to fund services — more than, on average, any other state in the country — that means that the value that happens to be in your community in taxable property value relative to its service needs can be very deterministic as to what you are paying in property taxes relative to the resources that you have or relative to the investments the community is seeking to make in itself. That can be very different depending on your income level.

For households with lower incomes, it tends to be a higher percentage of income that goes to property taxes in New Hampshire than households with the highest incomes. It's lower- and middle-income households that pay those higher effective tax rates based on property taxes in the state, whether it's passed through to renters or whether it's homeowners paying them directly. Those effective tax rates tend to be higher for lower- and middle-income households than for the highest-income households in the state.

Melanie Plenda:

Can you give us an example of what percentage of income property tax might be for someone who is lower income? 

Phil Sletten:

We can look at modeling from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. They did an evaluation of all states back in 2023 using 2023 incomes. If we look at those income levels, the bottom 20% of tax units — that’s individuals’ or family incomes — were $35,000 a year or less in tax income. If we look at those households that have that $35,000 a year or less in 2023, property taxes accounted for about 5.9% in the ITEP modeling. About 5.9% of income went to pay for property taxes in New Hampshire.

Again, that can vary substantially by town, and that does assume a certain amount of pass-through to renters. Renters are disproportionately more likely to have lower incomes — median household income for renters in New Hampshire is about half what it is for homeowners. So that 5.9% is for those lowest-income households. 

The next highest places that we see are in the middle 20% and then the fourth 20% — that’s the group between the middle and the highest 20%. For those middle- and upper-middle-income households, about 5% of income, on average, goes to pay for property taxes in New Hampshire.

If we look at the highest-income households, particularly the top 1% of income households — in 2023 that was $721,000 a year or more — their effective property tax rate was about 2%. That’s about a third of what it is for for the bottom 20% — those $35,000 a year or less.

Melanie Plenda:

This also affects people who don’t own property, yes? 

Phil Sletten:

If you're a renter, those property tax bills that your landlord has, or the property owner has — those still have to get paid somehow. There may be different strategies that different landlords have to pass those costs on, or to absorb those costs, but it likely increases rent for everyone who's renting, because it is a cost to owning a property in New Hampshire.

Those figures that I just spoke about — the 5.9% of income going to property taxes for a household with $35,000 a year or less in 2023 — that is including the assumption of how much is passed on in terms of property tax cost to renters. It's not assuming all of it, but it's assuming much of it is passed on to renters — and that assumption, if we look at what the cost of renting versus owning is, again, depends on which community you're in, and it depends on which year you're looking at. But property taxes effectively raise the cost of maintaining all properties in the state, because it's an additional bill associated with owning that property, owning that wealth, owning that building, etc.

Melanie Plenda:

What’s the solution here?

Phil Sletten:

It depends on what your goal is. When it comes to ways that property taxes could be, for example, alleviated for lower-income households, there are states that employ property tax credits or homestead exemptions that will help households with low and moderate incomes afford property taxes and be reflective of what their incomes are.

In New Hampshire, we have the low- and moderate-income homeowners property tax credit. It's a relatively small rebate that the state provides relative to the statewide education property tax, although it was expanded relatively recently — and actually for people who are interested in signing up for that, the window to sign up is open until June 30. 

There are other ways. Sometimes they're called circuit breakers by people who are in the policy and economic world that are trying to make property taxes a little bit more reflective of the resources that people have, or if it's a primary home versus a secondary home. Now, every state is different in terms of what's permissible under the state constitutions. New Hampshire does have a clause in its constitution that has been interpreted to mean that there can't be graduated tax rates for similar types of taxation on similar economic activity. So there are then legal questions around what some of those solutions would look like in New Hampshire that I think complicates what is a transferable solution from other states.

There are other ways that the state could raise revenue or permit local governments to raise revenue. There are proposals at the state level to allow local governments to put either a surcharge or some other add-on to the meals and rentals tax, particularly the hotels portion, to raise money from people who are renting hotel rooms that are within those municipalities’ borders. That money would then stay locally, as opposed to going to the state and then, in some cases, being redistributed by the state to local governments. Those are the sorts of mechanisms that have been proposed in the past to help offset some local property taxes and to even out what may be the municipal share of funding services. 

Melanie Plenda:

You recently published an analysis of the disparities in how property taxes affect residents in different towns, and produced an accompanying podcast on the issue. Where can people find this podcast or more information if they are interested?

Phil Sletten:

I'd encourage folks to again look at the full report at nhfpi.org. We have interactive maps to let people examine what's going on in their local community, unpack some of the details of these issues and more interstate comparisons as well. Our regular podcast, “New Hampshire Uncharted,” can be found on Apple podcasts, Amazon Music, Spotify, YouTube, Podbean and iHeartRadio. I hope everyone is able to download it and enjoy listening.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you for joining us, Phil.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

It’s your money: budgeting while costs keep rising

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

With grocery and gas prices fluctuating all the time, it’s hard to know how to budget right now. Maureen Milliken, who writes the “It’s Your Money” column for Ink Link, shares some financial insights and some tips for navigating this tricky time, and hopefully padding your wallet.

Rosemary Ford:

A few months ago, when you were last here, we discussed your tracking of grocery prices and their connection to the tariffs and other economic factors. How's that going, and what's been happening with the tracking lately?

 Maureen Milliken:

It started last April 2025, prompted by the tariffs. We tracked grocery prices for a year to see what happened, and obviously, a lot has happened. We learn something new every month. I just want to kind of disclaim that it's called the “grocery snapshot,” because it's kind of a snapshot of a variety of things that I normally buy. It's not like some big scientific study of grocery prices in general, but more kind of a relatable look, and I use what's happening with my items as kind of a springboard to talk about why prices go up and down and what's happening in general with things like produce or coffee. 

Rosemary Ford:

What have you seen steep rises in?

Maureen Milliken:

The biggest price rise in the year has been a 12-ounce bag of coffee. Whole bean, because I use a French press — I’m kind of picky — has gone up from $10.49 last April, and it is now $12.49, so it's gone up $2 which, percentage-wise, is a pretty big increase. I naively thought November, when the tariffs for coffee beans were lifted, that the price was going to go down. But first of all, prices have a tendency to go up and not go down. Second of all, it's not only tariffs that are affecting coffee beans. They have to be grown in a certain climate. and unfortunately, the places they're grown are the most susceptible to climate change and plant diseases that come with it. So it's a very challenging product right now. 

Another item is chocolate. I think last time I was on was right after Hershey had proactively announced that the prices were going to go up. That was a little bit before Halloween, but they already had all their Halloween candy made, so that was all set. But the things that affect coffee are the same things that affect chocolate, where the cocoa bean can be grown. 

Nothing has really declined in price, and in a year, produce has a tendency to go up and down. Last month, when I looked at the yearly arc, there were maybe three produce products — bananas, cucumbers and oranges — that had all gone down from what they were the April before. But all those have, except for bananas, seen big spikes, and I just was looking at my shopping list today on my grocery stores app, and cucumbers are now $1.29 apiece when they were 79 cents apiece two weeks ago. But produce is very susceptible to so many things that have nothing to do with tariffs that the prices just go crazy.

Rosemary Ford:

Is the war with Iran having an impact on prices?

Maureen Milliken:

It is. The biggest impact is to energy prices. There's a long chain of effects that ends up affecting your pocketbook, and the energy costs of transporting produce, of making fertilizer and all those other things, affects the cost. The first and biggest cost is to beef. Beef prices are affected because of energy prices, because of transportation costs, supply chain costs, the cost of fertilizer to grow the feed that the beef eat, and the USDA says that beef has already gone up 6.4%. The USDA just released its price prediction a few days ago, and it's predicted that it's going to go up another 6.3% this year.

I personally don't eat a lot of red meat. I'm not a vegetarian, but I just live by myself, and it's just never been cost-effective to buy it and use it. It's not on the tracker, but it would have, I think, have had a big impact. I track 26 things, and it’s gone up 6.5% in the past year, as opposed to the 2.7% that the USDA says grocery prices have gone up. But I think if beef was on there, that would be a much higher number. 

Even if the war ended an hour from now, and anything keeping energy from moving around the world was resolved immediately, you would still see it affecting prices for the rest of this year. When something has an impact on prices, the domino effect and the chain of events is such that there are just long-term impacts that are very difficult to solve. 

Rosemary Ford:

Are there other factors playing into the rise of prices?

Maureen Milliken:

When I first started this I was thinking of the tariffs and not thinking in more general terms, but so many things affect prices, including politics. Pasta, which I guess the federal government has had a bee in its bonnet for the last 20 or 30 years. They claimed that Italian imports were being dumped at lower prices than they should be into the market, which was affecting the price of pasta made in the U.S. There's been this like a 30-year investigation of it, which came to a head at the end of last year, and they were going to put this super tariff on pasta, which would be kind of ironic, since they were claiming that it was affecting U.S. made pasta prices. But if the price of imported pasta goes up, then the price of pasta made in the U.S. will go up. 

Rosemary Ford:

What do you plan to do to navigate this time?

Maureen Milliken

My plans are the same that I advocate — not only in the grocery snapshot, but in my money column. This goes beyond grocery prices, which is you have to be your best advocate for saving money. The grocery prices aren't going to magically come down because you're upset that they're high. If people say they don't have the time to plan meals or to cook or to research prices, you have to make the time. Time is money, and the more it becomes a habit, the more you'll be able to do that. Some quick tips are, if you're able shop at a large chain of which there are many, use the rewards. Use their apps which have rewards, coupons, savings and recipes. Figure out substitutions. Buy cheaper things. I know it sounds like it's a simplification. Eat more bananas, fewer $6 packages of cookies. One thing I've actually done is my mom cooked for six kids and liked to make healthy meals, but we didn't have a lot of money growing up, and I've revived some of my mom's recipes. They're fairly easy to make and they're nutritious, and they're not things I normally think of eating. I would also say that people with kids, until they reach around teenage age, can be the biggest advocates for change in your house. If you get them involved in thinking of ways to cut food costs and plan meals and plan grocery lists. Also track what you're wasting, track what's going in the trash. Start buying something else you're going to eat versus whatever's going into the garbage. 

Rosemary Ford:

When you’re writing your column, what do you hope people take away as a lesson or learn from what they’re reading?

Maureen Milliken:

My biggest hope that people take away — not only with grocery prices, but with anything — is that you're the biggest advocate, and you're the one who has the power to change whatever is going on financially with your life. You may not be able to change everything. I know people have a lot of challenges, but you have to be proactive. You have to do the research and use your money from a place of knowledge. Figure out where your money's going and what you're doing with it and why you're buying what you're buying. It's hard work, and it's hard to break habits, but knowledge is power, and people need to be informed and have insight into their lives and what they're doing with their money, instead of feeling that it's this thing that's just kind of washing them away that they have no control over.

Rosemary Ford:

Thank you, Maureen.


“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

How will new ban on student IDs for voting affect New Hampshire elections?

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

What does a new law that removes student identification as a valid form of ID for voting mean for Granite Staters? Here to discuss that is Olivia Zink, executive director of Open Democracy, a nonpartisan nonprofit focused on political equality in New Hampshire.

Melanie Plenda:

To start, can you tell us more about what Open Democracy does, and what the organization’s goals are? 

Olivia Zink:

We were founded by Doris "Granny D" Haddock, who walked across the country to get money out of politics. So our focus is sort of campaign finance reform, ensuring the freedom to vote for all Granite Staters and ensuring that we have a fair and functioning democracy that works for everybody.

Melanie Plenda:

Can you give us some background on the new photo ID law and what it does?

Olivia Zink:

House Bill 323, which will go into effect on June 2 is a law that prohibits the use of high school IDs and college IDs as legal identification to vote in an election. So your driver's license or passport or a government issued-photo ID from another state, is what you can use to check in and receive your ballot.

Melanie Plenda:

This law reverses the 2013 law that allowed student IDs at polls. What’s the reason for the change?

Olivia Zink:

Prior to 2012, nobody had to show an ID to vote. In 2012, they passed a law that required identification. In that 2012 law, it said you can use a student ID. So they've actually just taken that out of the law, saying that you no longer can use those identifications to check in to obtain a ballot. The governor has signed it. 

I think the debate was very confusing. I felt when you watched the Senate debate, they really talked about what you need to register to vote — and to register to vote, you do have to prove your citizenship, your domicile, your age and your identity. So when you register to vote, you're showing your birth certificate and something that has your address on it, and all the other documents you need to register. If you’re already registered to vote, you’re just checking in to obtain a ballot, but the law has now changed.

Melanie Plenda:

Why are voter ID laws such a contested topic between the parties? Why is this such a contentious dispute?

Olivia Zink:

There's a lot of disinformation about voting in general. The people who check us in are ballot clerks, our neighbors and friends, like the moderators at polling places. My moderator used to be my science teacher. They're our friends and neighbors. The people who are running our elections are doing a really phenomenal job in New Hampshire, ensuring that all eligible voters are voting there.

There's just a lot of information out there that there might be some people who are ineligible who are voting. I can tell you that there's probably a lot of 16- and 17-year-olds that want to vote, but they're not voting. You have to be 18, and you have to be a U.S. citizen in order to vote.I think there's a lot of integrity in New Hampshire's process.

What makes me sad is these laws that may make somebody question whether they should participate or not. I think all Granite Staters want all eligible voters to participate. We see that 18-year-old age group as a younger age that's not necessarily participating fully. And I think some of that is because they're discouraged by the process of not knowing how.

Melanie Plenda:

So what should Granite Staters make sure they have when voting?

Olivia Zink:

If you're brand new — if you've just recently moved — you should bring proof of citizenship. That’s your passport or your birth certificate. Also,  something to prove your identity — a driver's license, a passport, a government-issued photo identification with your name, your photo, and domicile, which is really a fancy way to say your address.

Melanie Plenda:

What impact will this have on upcoming elections?

Olivia Zink:

I'd love to know how many 18-year-olds have a driver's license. We have seen nationwide data that shows that not all 18 year olds are getting driver's licenses when they turn 18. I don't know actually how many Granite Staters don't have a government-issued ID. I know that it's challenging. For example, if you live in Hanover, going to Dartmouth College, the nearest DMV is in Newport, a 45-minute drive. So it might be more challenging for students that live further away from a DMV. If you live in Keene, the DMV is right there in downtown Keene. 

If you are already registered to vote and don't have a driver's license, you can get a voucher from your city clerk, and that voucher allows you to go to the DMV and get a voting ID for free. They are working right now on a change in that law to allow anybody who wants a voting identification to be able to attain a voucher from their town clerk. But we'll see what happens with that law as it goes through the process.

Melanie Plenda:

Do you foresee this change discouraging New Hampshire college or high school students from voting?

Olivia Zink:

It's going to impact high school students more than college students. I think high school students know it is expensive to go through the driver's ed process, or their parents may not have money to put them on car insurance and those are the young adults that I think are eligible and should be participating in our elections

I think it's important for people to participate in our civic dialogue, but it does bother me, especially because the 26th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution says we can't discriminate based on age for voting purposes. Yes, you can go to college and or be a student at any age, but most of the students — especially high school students — are that sort of brand-new voter, and I get worried that many of them may be discouraged by this law and won’t participate in the process. But their voice is as important as anybody else's voice in the political discourse of the Granite State.

Melanie Plenda:

How can Granite Staters stay up to date on this and other issues at the State House?

Olivia Zink:

I feel like our New Hampshire election laws have changed dramatically in the last three years. There used to be processes — if you didn't bring your photo ID to check in, they could take your picture and you sign a form. Those all have been repealed, so right now, it's really more important than ever to check the Secretary of State's website, or you can go to places like opendemocracynh.org or the League of Women Voters to just get real good basic information about what you need in order to register to vote.

If you're a senior citizen who is in a nursing home, who wants to vote by absentee, the law has recently changed, and you need to produce an identity ID to show that you are who you say you are. We've seen seniors, especially around the state, that didn't have driver's licenses because they're not driving anymore that weren't able to vote, but there is a notary option. So we've found volunteer notaries who are helping voters that might need a notary application on an absentee ballot, but a lot of laws have changed that make it much harder to vote. 

When I met a woman at a polling place, she brought her birth certificate and her driver's license, so she thought she was all set. But she was married, and so her driver's license had a different name than her birth certificate. She said she should have known that she needed her marriage certificate, but how would she have known the law just changed?

It's important not to blame us as individuals, that we all collectively need to do our part to get the word out that the laws have changed in the last couple of years, and more documents are needed when you go to vote. The last time I went to vote, I just bought everything. I brought my passport, I brought my deed to my house, I brought my birth certificate, just to make sure all my bases were covered. So I was over-prepared. I think that we sort of need that message of being prepared for the midterms this year, and maybe showing up over-prepared is the best way to do that. If you need to request a birth certificate in order to register to vote — or a marriage license, if your name has changed — there are resources to help you get those documents. You just can't do it the same day. You have to do it ahead of time.

Melanie Plenda:

On May 18th, you’re giving a talk on New Hampshire voting laws in Moultonborough. Can you tell us more about it? And are there other events from Open Democracy that we should be aware of?

Olivia Zink:

I've been on a public library tour around the state. I think this is my eighth or ninth public library that I've been to in the last couple of weeks. Up in Moultonborough, a group of people have invited me to speak about the changes of voting laws. The Secretary of State also has been on a sort of New Hampshire road show, doing public talks about the new laws. So there's lots of people trying to inform voters, but we have a lot more work to do. 

The group of probably already informed voters are going to show up at the library to hear my talk, but hopefully they inform others in their community about what we need in order to participate in this year's midterm elections.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you for joining us today, Olivia. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

The weather forecast: predictions for this spring and summer in New Hampshire

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article is edited for length and clarity.

Winter is over —- finally. What kind of an impact did it have? What’s on tap for spring and summer weather? Here to fill us in about what to expect is New Hampshire’s state climatologist, Mary Stampone, who’s also associate professor of geography at the University of New Hampshire.

Melanie Plenda:

Let’s start with the weather that was. Mary, did our winter match predictions and expectations?

Mary Stampone:

The outlook for this winter of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, or NOAA, was largely based on forecasts for a week of La Nina’s pattern of the Pacific to start the season and transition to neutral conditions now. So the weak La Nina winters tend to be, but are not always, snowier across New England. Snowfall was above normal for southern and interior portions of New England this winter. Unfortunately, the snow was fairly dry, so we actually ended up below normal in terms of the amount of water we received despite the amount of snowfall.

Melanie Plenda:

Can you tell us more about how seasonal weather predictions are made? What is the process of collecting data and predicting for upcoming seasons?

Mary Stampone:

NOAA's seasonal outlooks are not intended to predict exactly how warm or cold a season is going to be, but instead, they are intended to communicate the likelihood or chance of a season being above, below or near what is normally expected for temperature and precipitation based on past conditions.

The chances of warmer or colder weather or drier than normal, are determined using multiple different model forecasts, called ensemble forecasts, as well as some statistical methods for identifying likely patterns in temperature and precipitation from combination of the long-term climate data sets that we have, as well as more recent data on a variety of environmental variables.

Melanie Plenda:

The Old Farmer’s Almanac released its long-term spring forecast last month, predicting warmer and drier conditions across New England, with slightly above-average temperatures in New Hampshire. Based on your research, how accurate are these predictions?

Mary Stampone:

I can't really speak to the accuracy of the Old Farmer’s Almanac forecast. This isn’t really a resource that we use in our research, but overall, moisture conditions are really what we need to pay close attention to as we move into the warm season. So we still have not recovered from the lingering drought, so we're already starting drier than normal. And our snowpack is already largely gone, except for the far northern and higher elevation areas. So going into spring, we are relying solely on rainfall for both recharging the soil and the groundwater and to get us through this start of the growing season.

Melanie Plenda:

As you mentioned, this was a dry winter. And it seems strange with all the recent rain and snow. Can you tell us more about that? How does that work? According to NOAA’s research, this is the eighth-driest December through February since 1895. 

Mary Stampone:

When it comes to cold-season drought, when temperatures are below freezing, plants aren't growing, and we're primarily concerned about groundwater levels. So what's happening below the ground, frozen ground limits the amount of water that can percolate down into the groundwater system. Plus, most of the precipitation we get just kind of sits on the surface, and so does the snow. So there really isn't much that can be added to the groundwater system until spring, which kind of locks in drought conditions from the fall through to the melt season. 

Now, coming out of winter, we are still seeing precipitation deficits — that's the difference between normal and what we thought those deficits are — due to, again, the dry fall conditions that we had and the fact that despite heavy snowfall the winter the snow we received this winter was drier than normal, so it didn't contain as much water as we expected. Those two factors are why we have yet to see any improvement in our conditions.

Melanie Plenda:

What do you think this will mean for the rest of the spring and summer?

Mary Stampone:

It's really not unusual for it to take more than a year for the groundwater in our system to fully recover from drought. Back in 2016, it took two years for groundwater levels to recharge. We want to see enough rainfall compensate for the water needed, but not too much. We always need to be careful about what we wish for with rain, because too much can lead to flooding, but with enough rain, we can get through the start of the growing season without drought conditions worsening.

But drought conditions are expected to persist through spring across southern parts of the state. Keep in mind, any combination of a dry spell and warmer-than-normal conditions leading into summer could spell some trouble for us.

Melanie Plenda:

That was my next question. How will New Hampshire’s agricultural and gardening community be impacted by this drought?

Mary Stampone:

The general drought impacts include water stress on plants and animals, impacts on soil quality, as well as additional cost to bring water in when water resources dry up. But it's also worth keeping in mind that to a lot of farmers in this area, this is not our first drought, and they have been investing over years in more sustainable practices that reduce water use. So do plan on supporting your local farmers over the course of the summer.

Melanie Plenda:

How much of the causes of this drought are a result of climate change?

Mary Stampone:

We can link some of these impacts directly to the warming that we're seeing with climate change. First, the warmer temperatures increase the atmospheric demand for moisture, which is evaporated from the surface, drying off the soils and lowering surface water levels. That moisture is then added to the atmosphere, and eventually that has to come out in the form of precipitation. Usually, nowadays it comes in these larger precipitation effects. So we have bigger, heavier rainfall, with longer, drier, warm periods in between, leading to a lot more variability than we used to see — even in an area where variability is kind of the name of our game here.

Melanie Plenda:

Is this the new normal for New Hampshire? Will the state be dryer from now on?

Mary Stampone:

Actually, we overall are getting wetter, but the differences are kind of what happens in between.

We've always been vulnerable to both floods and drought, but the extremes are getting bigger. With summer temperatures increasing, we're not seeing any kind of change in precipitation that could compensate for those increased temperatures. Our vulnerability to drought during the warm season is increasing, but we’re overall getting wetter, and that heavier precipitation is shifting more toward that winter season. This is kind of a combination that is again increasing our vulnerability to both flood and drought, so it’s how we manage the water. We're going to have enough water overall, but it's not going to be evenly distributed. How we manage those resources will be really important in the coming years.

Melanie Plenda:

What else should New Hampshire residents know about spring and summer weather? Especially as it relates to their gardens and local wildlife?

Mary Stampone:

The big thing to keep in mind is that drought here can develop very rapidly at any point during the warm season. Think about last summer —- we started with really wet conditions and ended up with severe drought conditions. So even if our summer starts wet, any dry spell combined with extreme hot temperatures can lead to drought. Water conservation, even during the wet times, really is key here, and anything we can do to reduce our water use will make us more resilient to the variability that we expect to have always had here, but expect to get even worse over time.

Melanie Plenda:

Thanks for joining us today, Mary. 



“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

How Granite Staters can navigate through a fluctuating economy

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Every day, the national and state economies seem to be in flux. What does that mean for you and your wallet? LPhil Sletten, research director of the N.H. Fiscal Policy Institute, talks about what’s going on, what you can expect, and what you might think about when it comes to stretching your finances. 

Melanie Plenda:

Let’s start with a broad overview. In your opinion, what’s going on with the economy nationally? What are some of the challenges there? 

Phil Sletten:

If we look at some of the key forecasts going into this year, they were actually relatively favorable. So in February, the U.S. Congressional Budget Office expected that the overall economy would grow about 2.2%. in 2026, and that's above their trend line. They generally expect that in the future years it'll be about a 1.8% average growth rate. They also projected the unemployment rate would rise a bit, but still be relatively low, at about 4.6% nationally. That's higher than what we see in New Hampshire, but it's still a low figure for the nation overall.

There were still some headwinds that they expected, such as trade and tariff policies adding to some friction or cost in the economy, particularly regarding the flow of goods and immigration policies. They said those would limit labor force growth, and they probably also limit consumer demand as well.

Now, we've had some key economic changes in the last few weeks or, following the beginning of the conflict between the U.S. and Israeli forces and Iran. That's led to some price changes, particularly in energy prices, because of Iran's control over a key oil shipping route, and that could actually destabilize some economies around the world that are more dependent on those particular trade routes than ours — not just for oil, but also for food, fertilizer and other goods. That could lead to some broader economic troubles that could affect the global economy.

The U.S. Federal Reserve Bank said in their most recent statement that economic activity has been expanding at a “solid pace.”. But they did note that job growth was low, inflation remains elevated, and there's a lot of uncertainty about the economic output input outlook, in part because of the conflicts in Iran in the Middle East.

Melanie Plenda:

What about the state economy? What’s going on there? 

Phil Sletten:

The uncertainties are similar, but the story continues to be labor force growth challenges and the costs for basics -- the rising costs for those essentials of living, including housing and health care costs, as well as child care costs for folks who have young children. We continue to rely on immigration for population growth in the state as deaths continue to outnumber births in New Hampshire, so the cost of living is important for attracting new residents and in retaining residents as well.

If we look at the data that we have for 2025, the number of people surveyed who say that they are working in New Hampshire was actually a little bit lower at the end than it was at the beginning of 2025. When we look at the employer survey data, we see that that's a relatively static figure too. So at least in the preliminary data we have so far throughout 2025, it looks like the employment picture has been pretty static in New Hampshire.

Melanie Plenda:

Let’s dig a little deeper and talk more about some of the key factors in the state economy — housing prices, gas prices and heating fuel prices. What’s going on there, and what impact will that have?

Phil Sletten:

Housing has been for a long time and continues to be probably one of the largest constraints on the economy overall, particularly the price of housing. I think it's important for folks to remember, if you're paying more for housing than you were for the same housing 10 years ago, that’s a percentage of your income that can't go to other things. You're getting the same product, but you're not able to engage in other parts of the economy in the same way. So the price of housing isn't just a factor in terms of how much of that particular line item is, it affects all the other line items as well.

The median single-family house sale price in New Hampshire in the last 12 months was about $540,000, so we're now solidly above the half-million dollar mark. And that's the statewide figure. Part of the reason we're in this problem is that we have been basically under-building housing in New Hampshire for the last 20 years. It's not just demand. It's also a lack of supply being added. We did see some data from the state showing that more multifamily permits in particular were generated in 2024. That doesn't necessarily mean a one-to-one addition of housing, and there's different timelines for when that housing would come online, but it's still more. Housing production is relatively low, but it is the right direction in terms of adding housing supply. 

Some of the things that I'm watching on the housing front as well are what happens with interest rates — which, of course, affects people's ability to borrow for housing, because most people have to borrow to buy a house or condo.

We saw faster price increases during the COVID-19 pandemic. We saw the price of a single-family house, for example, in Coos County, more than double over the five years straddling the pandemic. We saw that as well in Sullivan County. So in rural northern and western parts of the state, we're actually seeing the price pressures decrease the most. What I mean by that is the prices are not going up as fast, and in some cases they're even flat over the last several months, depending on which comparisons you're looking at.

Those are some of the counties that have the highest poverty rates in the state. So there's not a lot of spending power in those communities. It could be that we're seeing the post-pandemic increase in housing prices overshoot, and now there's a little bit of a correction. What does that mean for the rest of the housing market in the state? I don't know. It's hard to say that it could be just a pandemic-related phenomenon, but there is still a significant undersupply throughout the state, and I don't expect that that portends prices will be flat going forward, unless there were some really significant change in the economy.

Melanie Plenda:

Another thing that also has an impact on the state economy is the state budget. The Fiscal Policy Institute is gearing up for presentations about it across the state. Can you tell us more about that?

Phil Sletten:

We're trying to help people understand how state fiscal policy works. True to our name, we're here to explain and provide facts and information about how governments function and where the money flows. It's a lot of information that we have — the sense that we have of how our town governments and city governments work, how our state governments work — that is passed along, verbally shared from one person to another, and people have a sense from that of how things work. But we really want to help people understand more of the concrete details and most-up-to date information about how money flows. 

Melanie Plenda:

There have been small but steady increases in unemployment in the New Hampshire labor market as of late 2025. What’s going on there?

Phil Sletten:

From December 2015 to not very long ago — except for the spike in unemployment during the COVID-19 pandemic — New Hampshire had an unemployment rate below 3%, and it rose above 3% in roughly the last year or so. That 3% benchmark is substantially lower than what we see nationwide. It is a little bit of an easing of the labor force constraint that we saw, especially in 2022 when there were many more job openings than there were unemployed residents. So we're seeing maybe a little bit more of a return to the economy that we saw, in terms of labor force anyway, about 10 years ago. 

However, one measure I think is important to remember is that the underlying factors feeding into that measure are probably quite different than they were 10 years ago. One of the key changes is that over the last year we've seen this sort of low-higher and low-layoff environment. There may be more people entering the labor market — particularly younger people entering the labor market — who are then having trouble finding jobs, or maybe having trouble finding job opportunities. They would have been snatched up very quickly by employers who were really looking for workers and were under-resourced in terms of labor supply.

There are other discussions as to how much artificial intelligence is affecting this. I don't know that we're actually seeing that on a large scale at this point. I just haven't seen data to support that, but that's a possibility. But I think that more likely right now, tariffs and now energy prices are likely generating economic uncertainty that makes businesses a little more hesitant to hire. That being said, I wouldn't expect there to be a substantial excess labor force going forward. 

Melanie Plenda:

With upcoming changes to the Medicaid Enhancement Tax, what will this mean for New Hampshire’s economy, patients and providers?

Phil Sletten:

The Medicaid Enhancement Tax — and my colleague Jess Williams, did some research on this over the last month — actually the fourth-largest state tax revenue source, but not very many people have heard about it because it only is paid directly by hospitals in the state. That money collected from hospitals is then matched with federal Medicaid dollars. So it has a 50-50 match, roughly, from the federal government. That match generates more money for Medicaid, which is health coverage, generally, for people who have relatively few resources or specific qualifying health conditions.

Those Medicaid Enhancement Tax dollars are also used to reimburse hospitals for costs that they have, for uninsured patients who show up at hospitals and need care, or Medicaid patients who are at hospitals and need care. Typically, Medicaid has lower reimbursement rates than Medicare or private insurance does. So that's part of the payment mechanism to those hospitals to fund that so-called uncompensated care. 

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which passed back in July of last year, limits the amount that states can charge hospitals in taxes like the Medicaid Enhancement Tax over time. So it lowers the tax rate that the states can charge. What that means is that the state government in New Hampshire is going to have less revenue coming in from the Medicaid Enhancement Tax — and we're talking hundreds of millions of dollars, especially if you include the federal matching dollars that the state is going to have to find in each subsequent year. 

That means the state has to either find some other source of revenue to fund these existing Medicaid services, or the state has to reduce the amount of services that it pays for through the Medicaid Enhancement Tax, and that could include those hospital budgets and right aid to hospitals for that uncompensated care.

We don't exactly know how the state government is going to respond. The government has a little bit of time to respond, but it's a significant amount of money. Even though it sounds arcane, it could have an impact that cascades through many parts of the state budget, and could impact hospital budgets, which in some cases — particularly for rural hospitals — are relatively constrained. It could impact hospital budgets as well going forward, depending on what state policymakers decide to do.

Melanie Plenda:

What other challenges are you keeping an eye on when it comes to the state economy? 

Phil Sletten:

One cost that we haven't mentioned very much so far is child care. I'd say child care costs continue to increase. One of the things that we've seen that's positive on that front is there are more child care slots available in 2025 than there were in 2017. That's a positive sign. However, that added supply does not cleanly translate into an easier time for everyone to get their child to a child care center, for example.

Because more family-based providers are closing or have closed over that time period. So more small and large providers and more center-based providers have added slots, and in general, the smaller ones have not done as well on that front. So it probably means that there's more drive time for parents to get their children to child care, and that may become more expensive.

Even if the price isn't directly more expensive, which we've seen prices be relatively high in New Hampshire, but we also see that it may be more difficult to access in other ways, even if there is a slot available because of that increased drive time and increase in gasoline prices. 

Another factor that I think is important in the part of the economy that is most concerned with accessing child care is the child care scholarship program may be running out of funding by the end of the biennium. So there is a program that allows people to access resources to help pay for child care. It also provides resources to the child care providers themselves and for eligible students, this is targeted at families with low incomes.

This is a program the state expanded in 2023, however, there may not be enough money to avoid a wait list for accessing the child care scholarship program by the time we get to the end of next fiscal year, in June of 2027. Because child care not only is important for the family individually, but enables more people who otherwise might be out of the labor force to remain engaged in the labor force, particularly if it's worthwhile and affordable for them to access child care. 

Melanie Plenda:

Do you have any advice for people navigating these chaotic times?

Phil Sletten:

Nearly a quarter of New Hampshire households did not have at least $2,000 in emergency savings in 2022. Meaning that there were a fairly large number of households in the state that didn't have that sort of basic buffer in non retirement savings for there to be some sort of financial or economic shock to their budgets. These savings can be critical in times of job losses or spikes in the cost of necessities such as fuel or food. The more folks that have these savings, the more resilient Granite Staters can be in the face of external economic shocks like the one we're experiencing now. But it can be very hard for households with low incomes to save for these for the future, when it's so difficult to cover costs in the present on a day-to-day basis — especially those core living costs, such as housing, child care and health services, which have risen substantially over the last 10 years, and food has risen over the last five years. 

Now, I'm not a financial advisor, but in times of need or unemployment, knowing where you can get help in advance – whether it's from friends or family or municipal human services offices or charitable organizations, programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program or Medicaid or unemployment compensation and having a plan for that, even though it's maybe not fun to think about, can make it easier to navigate hardship, especially if you spent that little bit of time learning about them beforehand.

Of course, there could be public policy responses, depending on the size of an economic shock as well. But I think, for individuals seeking to navigate this, knowing where the resources are that you might need, especially in advance, and ideally, having them in your hands in advance is probably the best thing that we can do in the midst of these large scale and very distant but very acute economic shocks.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you for joining us today, Phil.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

The end of car inspections? Program remains on pause as court battle goes on

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

The changes surrounding car inspections in New Hampshire have been causing confusion for many Granite Staters over the past few months. People are rightfully bewildered about what the future holds when it comes to that formerly dreaded sticker. How did we get here, and what does that mean for New Hampshire? Rick Green, a reporter from The Keene Sentinel, who has been following this story closely. 

Melanie Plenda:

Can you walk us through where we are now with car inspections? What’s the latest?

Rick Green:

The latest is that you don't need to have car inspections. According to the state Attorney General's Office, there's been a lot of back and forth on this question, particularly since there's litigation involved and legislation that ended the program. It gets to be quite a complicated picture — but right now, the inspection program is off.

Melanie Plenda:

Tell us more about the lawsuit with Gordon Darby, the company that ran the state's vehicle inspection program. Where do things stand? 

Rick Green:

We have to go back a little bit to when the Legislature passed a budget trailer bill last year that ended this program – and they did so without asking the feds . It turns out the state has a requirement under its plan for complying with the Clean Air Act that it inspect cars, because part of that inspection goes into the emission system, and air pollution is a concern. So it never asked for federal approval, and the state contractor that runs this program, Gordon Darby, said, “You can't end this program without getting approval for a waiver under the Clean Air Act from the federal government.” The state had never done that, so the moment it ended this program, it was out of compliance with that act.

Melanie Plenda:

Rick, tell us more about how we got here. Where did this all start?

Rick Green:

It's kind of been a perennial issue at the state Legislature. These inspections rankle people who feel like it's inconvenient. They get their cars into the mechanic periodically anyway, and they don't want to be told by the state that they have to inspect their cars. They make the point that most vehicle accidents are not caused by equipment breakdowns, but by driver error. So there are a lot of people who are upset with the program, and it always comes up in the Legislature.

But, on the other hand, there are safety concerns. We live in a state where there's a lot of salt that's applied to roads, and that leads to corrosion in cars – brakes, wheels, undercarriage – and the opposition’s argument is that we need our cars inspector from a safety basis.

Melanie Plenda:

While car inspections are not necessary now, could this change again?  

Rick Green:

A federal judge has ordered that the state continue with its inspection program, but the state is not complying with that federal order. The state is appealing that order right now, and meantime it's out of compliance with the federal court. So whether more ramifications come down from that, we'll see, but potentially the judge could fine the state for not complying with her order.

Melanie Plenda:

Now, without New Hampshire, only 13 states require them. Are there any major differences in road safety between states that have inspection programs and those that do not?

Rick Green:

There are different arguments on both sides of that. It really depends on the state, too. We're in a part of the country that gets really bad weather and uses a lot of salt on the roads. So is it fair to compare that with a state that's on the West Coast, where they don't have such deterioration of vehicles, or is that apples to orange? There's nothing definitive in terms of being able to say for sure that this is going to harm road safety by getting rid of this. 

But that’s certainly what advocates like AAA say – that these inspections pick up a lot of problems that wouldn't otherwise be addressed, at least in the short term. With an inspection program requirement people have to get that sticker, and so they bite the bullet and make repairs that they otherwise might not make.

Melanie Plenda:

U.S. Sen. Jeanne Shaheen said that she disagrees with the elimination of car inspections, adding that not having these inspections will create greater risks to those traveling. What about other Granite Staters? Where do people stand on the issue, based on your reporting?

Rick Green:

I think there's really a loud group of motorists who have weighed in to the state Legislature and said that not only is it onerous having to get vehicles in for inspection and may be not necessary because we see our mechanics periodically either way. But there's a big group that says that they're unfair – particularly to people who might have a check engine light on. It's kind of a problem that's hard to track down. It can take hundreds and hundreds of dollars to clear that light — even to diagnose it can be expensive.

So I think there was a lot of built-up antipathy toward this program anyway. But it never was able to advance through the Legislature, so it got thrown into this budget trailer bill, which is a way of getting things done that might not otherwise pass in the regular legislative method.

Melanie Plenda:

Should Granite Staters still be looking to get their cars inspected, even if the inspection is no longer necessary? 

Rick Green:

You're probably not going to go in and get an official sticker right now — you might be able to, but just on the general question of, “Should I have a mechanic look at my car periodically?” I think the answer everybody agrees is yes. Things like brakes and suspension need to be looked at from time to time –  again, particularly with the conditions we have out here.

The other aspect is an environmental one. There are people who say that our cars should be looked at from an emissions standpoint. We shouldn't be polluting the air anymore than we need to.

Melanie Plenda:

Could getting rid of this program have long-term impacts on the environment? You mentioned its connection to the Clean Air Act, for example.

Rick Green:

It's hard to answer that kind of question. New Hampshire isn't a place you would ordinarily think about that has a lot of air pollution, but there are some parts of the state — particularly the southern areas off of the main interstate corridors — where there have been indications of some pollution. New cars are made to reduce that kind of pollution. These inspections look at onboard diagnostic systems that monitor your emission controls. So, theoretically, it could have an impact on the environment if people are not keeping their cars maintained properly.

Melanie Plenda:

How can New Hampshire residents stay up to date if anything changes with car inspections in the next few months?

Rick Green:

The Attorney General's office has been pretty good about putting out news releases, and of course, they have their website, and they've been advising the public about changes. The advice has ranged from we're going to hold these in abeyance for a few months to we're not doing it at all to at one point you should continue getting it up to a certain day. But right now, everything’s on pause while this thing is being fought out in court. 

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you Rick for joining us today. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

A mid-session update on legislation making its way through the State House

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

As we close in on the halfway point of the 2026 New Hampshire legislative session, many key bills have been discussed in the House and Senate — legislation focusing on a range of subjects from education funding to voting in elections. What bills should Granite Staters be aware of? Here to discuss that is Anna Brown, executive director of Citizens Count, a nonprofit and nonpartisan organization dedicated to educating voters about the political process, as well as executive director of the Warren B. Rudman Center for Justice, Leadership and Public Service at the University of New Hampshire’s Franklin Pierce School of Law.

Melanie Plenda:

What bills have you been tracking that Granite Staters should be aware of?

Anna Brown:

School funding is probably the biggest issue that I've been tracking in general this legislative session. First of all, there are identical bills in the House and Senate that would define an adequate education in a way that really pushes back on recent state Supreme Court rulings that would require the state to be providing more funding. There are also a few bills that are looking to set up open enrollment, where students would have the opportunity to enroll in different public schools around the state.

Another big trend in bills is looking to allow some separation based on biological sex, or even require it in some settings, such as schools, sports, hospitals and so on. That has been an ongoing issue between Governor Ayotte and Republicans in the Legislature. 

There are also some bills related to child care that I'm watching, which is really a perennial issue in New Hampshire that a lot of people agree is a big problem. There's a big shortage, but the state hasn't been able to make a lot of big changes to move the needle.

Melanie Plenda:

What bills do you believe are likely to pass the Senate? What about the House?

Anna Brown:

Almost all of the bills I just mentioned. When we're talking about pushing back on the state Supreme Court school-funding rulings, open enrollment, those child care bills, the bills looking to add separation based on gender identity versus biological sex. They have support in the House and in the Senate. So I really do see those issues as likely to move forward.

That being said, there are a lot of questions about the open enrollment bills and the school-funding bills, so that could slow down their progress. Recently, Governor Ayotte vetoed Senate Bill 268, which would add an exception to the state anti-discrimination laws for bathrooms, locker rooms, sports and so on based on biological sex. That's the second time she's vetoed a bill like that in a year, and so that also could really slow that down.

Melanie Plenda:

Some bills, like House Bill 1792, named the CHARLIE Act, have yet to gain sponsors within the Senate. What does this bill aim to do, and do you expect that it will be backed by Senate sponsors soon?

Anna Brown:

HB 1792 is interesting. The CHARLIE Act is named for [the late right-wing political activist] Charlie Kirk, but they came up with an acronym: Countering Hate And Revolutionary Leftist Indoctrination in Education Act. It prohibits teaching various concepts and theories. For example, it prohibits teachers from requiring students to acknowledge LGBTQ-plus sexuality as “ethical or normative.” Another example: the bill only allows instruction on critical race theory if it is presented as “Marxian theory contrary to American tradition, law and ethics.” This would apply to public schools, but not colleges or private schools or home school, and individuals could sue under the law. 

It's pretty sweeping when you think back to a couple years ago, when the state passed a law attempting to ban the teaching of critical race theory that was much more narrowly tailored and has been tied up in court cases. That being said, even though it's a potentially controversial bill, it had vocal support from House Majority Leader Jason Osborne. The fact that it was such a priority for him and for the Republican leadership in the House — and it still didn't get Senate sponsors — I think means it might not succeed in the Senate. Once again, I go back to the fact that it's a pretty far-reaching bill, and sometimes the Senate takes a more cautious approach to legislating than the House.

Melanie Plenda:

In New Hampshire, Republicans control the House, Senate, Executive Council and governor’s office. Has this caused any major disagreements during legislative sessions?

Anna Brown:

Being part of the same political party does not mean agreeing all the time. We've already talked about the bills vetoed by Governor Ayotte related to gender identity and biological sex. She's been very clear that she has no hesitation to veto some other bills she's talked about. 

So far, the House wants to repeal the Housing Champion grant program. She says she wants to keep it in place. Other bills she said she would veto includes a Senate-passed bill to increase tolls for non-E-ZPass users as a way to fund road maintenance. She said the bill is dead on arrival if it gets to her desk.

The House and Senate also are not always on the same page, so we discussed how with the CHARLIE Act I'm not sure if it's going to have the same reception in the Senate that it did in the House. Also, the House keeps passing marijuana legalization bills, and the Senate keeps on not passing marijuana legalization bills. 

Melanie Plenda:

One issue that is appearing in both the House and the Senate is school funding. Bills HB 1815 and SB 659 both look at redefining what should be included and funded by the state for students to receive a quote-unquote adequate education. Why is this an important issue in New Hampshire?

Anna Brown:

School funding has been a huge issue in New Hampshire for a few decades. Right now, schools are funded through both local and state property taxes, and there's a huge debate around if that's really a fair or constitutional split. 

Last summer, the state Supreme Court ruled that the state is not providing enough funding. It's a bit of a simplification, but they really said, “This is on the Legislature to fix. We're not going to tell them how to do it, but they have to do something.”

Now, the two bills you mentioned, they're identical — one in the House, one in the Senate. They’re sponsored by influential Republicans, and notably, both bills state, “How the state and its local governmental entities choose to raise, allocate and spend financial resources to implement this integrated public education system is a political policy matter reserved to legislative and executive judgment and control.” What that means is they're basically writing a state law that says the courts cannot decide that this is an issue for the Legislature. 

Now, can you write a state law that's going to override how the court understands the Constitution? The state recently filed an appeal in these lawsuits, arguing the court should overturn their original rulings that found the state had that obligation to be funding schools a certain way. So it's a bit of a showdown, I would argue, between the Legislature and the courts. And, even if this bill passes, I would say that it's really going to depend on how the school-funding cases play out to see what the actual impact would be on school budgets and also our property taxes.

Melanie Plenda:

HB 1196 aims to repeal the state Housing Champion designation and grant program, which helps alleviate New Hampshire’s housing shortage. Governor Ayotte has already said she wants to keep this program. Why would lawmakers want to repeal this bill in the middle of a housing shortage?

Anna Brown:

This bill was basically a way to reward towns that were adopting housing-friendly policies, and so people who originally supported the grant program are now saying, “OK, we’ve made enough changes at the state level to zoning that really this is not going to move the needle as much. The cost of administering the program is not going to give us all that much more benefit in terms of housing down the line.”

That being said, Governor Ayotte wants to put more money into the program in the next budget. I think that in the past, there was more grant money available. Now it's down to, if I recall correctly, about $3 million — which in the way of statewide housing development, is not a lot of money. So if she does have the money to put in the next budget, I think that could make a difference for some legislators. But right now, it's kind of uncertain how our budget's going to turn out at this point, and so I think legislators are very much in the mindset of cut costs, cut costs, cut costs.

Melanie Plenda:

Did anything else surprise you about this session?

Anna Brown:

I was surprised by one bill in particular. The House recently voted down a bill to repeal vaccine requirements for schools and daycares. This surprised me because the bill did have support coming out of committee. So it looked like the Republican majority was going to get on board, and they have a pretty, fairly large majority compared to the Democrats this year.

So I was surprised when the full Republican-controlled House came back and said, “Nope, we want to keep the vaccine requirements.” We've seen a lot more growth in anti-vaccine sentiment in New Hampshire ever since COVID-19. Now, RFK Jr has obviously been doing a lot of advocacy on the national level, sort of questioning whether vaccines are good. But the House, I would say, gave a resounding answer that in New Hampshire we're sticking with vaccine requirements.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you for joining us, Anna. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

What would proposed changes in the Legislature mean for public school open enrollment?

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

A bill in the N.H. Legislature that would change open enrollment restrictions for New Hampshire public school students is being fast-tracked by lawmakers and is expected to pass within the next few weeks. Here to discuss House Bill 751 is Annmarie Timmins, a senior reporter at NHPR who specializes in education. 

Melanie Plenda:

To start, can you describe to us what is in this “open enrollment” bill and what changes it intends to make? 

Annmarie Timmins:

The crux of this bill is that a student in New Hampshire could go to any public school in the state, and their sending district, or their home district, would have to send money with them and pay for their education wherever they chose. At its most basic that’s what open enrollment is.

Melanie Plenda:

Senate Republicans are fast-tracking this bill straight to the House, without hearings in either chamber. Why are they moving the bill at this speed and is it necessary?

Annmarie Timmins:

Republicans are eager to get this through for a couple of reasons. There was a Supreme Court ruling out of New Hampshire recently that changed the way open enrollment transfers would be paid, and so that has caused, in their mind, some confusion.

The second reason is that we're right now in the middle of the annual school budget and town meeting season, and at those meetings, districts have to adopt their budget for the next school year. So they wanted to get ahead of that, because budgets are built on enrollment, in large part. They're also aware that school districts are very quickly trying to set some boundaries around this open enrollment, to manage their budgets and their enrollment. So they really wanted to get ahead of school district meetings.

Melanie Plenda:

You recently wrote an article for NHPR on this bill and its impact if passed. According to your reporting, how are different school districts feeling about these potential changes?

Annmarie Timmins:

They're largely trying to, I would say, shut them down, or very much limit them. I've heard Republicans who support this, and we have seen people speak up for this at these district meetings, that this is about school choice. If your school's not working for you or your child, in their minds, you should have the right to go elsewhere. That sentiment is coming up when I've been to deliberative sessions, but primarily school district leaders and voters are trying really hard to limit this. 

I looked at about 40 different communities, and each of those said no students may leave the district – and that's to protect their budgets. They don't want to send money away. Their frustration is maybe not open enrollment as a concept, but the way it's funded. On the other side, we're seeing limits put on who could come into a district, so some districts don't want to take any new students. Some have very specific limits, like two students could come in for kindergarten or for 3rd grade. And there are some districts who are struggling with declining enrollment, and they have seen open enrollment as a chance to fill some seats at a time when they really need students.

Melanie Plenda:

How would this bill impact lower-income school districts that can’t afford to lose large amounts of students to other districts?

Annmarie Timmins:

This is funded based on how school districts fund their schools. We know that every school district spends a different amount of money. Say a Manchester student wanted to leave and go to Bedford. Bedford spends more money than Manchester on a student. So when that student from Manchester comes, that might be a $17,000 so-called loss for Manchester. That student comes to Bedford, and while the bill tries to address this, a student is going to bring $17,000 with them, where Bedford spends $23,000 on its students. Are we giving them a tuition break to come over to Manchester? Will districts lose money if a student transfers? The supporters of this bill would say, well, you're also losing a student. But one student fewer, of course, doesn't change the light bill or the transportation budget — so that's the disagreement over why students should go somewhere else and why they shouldn't.

Melanie Plenda:

What about the higher-income districts? Will this have an impact there?

Annmarie Timmins:

They are anticipating seeing students wanting to come to them. If you spend more on education, maybe you have more programs to offer. Maybe you have smaller class sizes compared to a district with less money. So they're anticipating students coming into their district, and there's the spending discrepancy that I just described.

But also how do they control? If they can't set any limits on who can come in — which would be kind of disallowed, but there are limits on what limits they could set. So what if they have an influx of 10 to 15 students midway through the year? Their question is, “How do we budget for that?” So they're worried about that.

Melanie Plenda:

Sen. Tim Lang, a Republican from Sanbornton, who authored this bill, noted that the bill leaves it up to the school district to set the capacity for how many out-of-district students they can accept. Do you think, with the amount of pushback so far on this bill, that many districts will be doing this?

Annmarie Timmins:

I think we will see school districts definitely set the limits on what we've seen so far proposed. What Tim Lang's bill would do is let districts say what their capacity for students is. But the bill does not identify or explain how capacity would be determined. Is it just what you hope your student-to-teacher ratio would be? How do you factor in students who have far more needs in a year, or maybe a drop from 25 students to 23 is not really a drop in terms of resources that that classroom needs.

Critics of the bill will say this is one weakness of it that’s not clearly defined. While it sounds like they'll be able to set some limits, they're not quite sure what that would look like.

Melanie Plenda:

If this bill passes and goes into effect, could that impact town meetings, either this year or next year?

 Annmarie Timmins:

It could. Right now we're in the SB 2 season, which means you have your deliberative session and then you vote in March at the polls — as opposed to what we think of as a traditional school district meeting. So what we're seeing early on are these districts adopting these caps. So if those pass, they'll be in effect. 

But there's disagreement over what happens next. If this legislation passes, but doesn't take effect right away, then the school year would proceed, presumably, with these caps in place. If these caps are sort of set aside or overruled by this legislation because it passes and is signed by the governor quickly and takes effect immediately, there are just different views on what happens next. Some school district lawyers have said that just sets aside these caps; they're moot now. Others have said no, that would lead to litigation, and they would ask a court to keep them in place in the meantime. So it's one of the many unknowns of this legislation.

I should say that the governor has expressed some concerns about the timing of this bill, and so it's possible we might see a rewrite that does extend the effective date out to the next school year. But even if that happened, we're setting a budget right now for next school year. So it's unclear how much that would help.

Melanie Plenda:

Based on your reporting, what would be the long-term, lasting impacts of this bill for schools in New Hampshire?

Annmarie Timmins:

I think the long-term impacts of this are really unknown at the moment. If we only see a few students take advantage of this, what would the impact be? It might be quite minimal. If we see pockets of students sort of leaving a district and going to another district, a single district, that will have a big impact for that district.

I think we should look for what happens in communities where there are many school choices. If you live in central New Hampshire or the southern part of the state, you have nearby schools you could go to. So I think, geographically, it's worth paying attention to what happens if litigation ensues. School districts are locally funded, primarily. Critics say this is really the state taking over local control. So I think there's a lot of unknowns — and that's what's worrying school districts. 

The other question here, in terms of impact, is school districts are urging the governor to sign an alternative open enrollment bill, which would study open enrollment for a year. Now, we're different from other states that have open enrollment because some states say school districts don't have to transfer money. The student can leave, but money doesn't go. I think that would resolve a lot of school districts' concerns. We're funded very differently from other states, so the impact here might not look like the impact that has been studied elsewhere. So school districts are urging the governor to sign this study bill instead of putting open enrollment in place now. That’s another unknown — if both bills reach her desk, which bill will she sign?

Melanie Plenda:

What other education bills are you currently following? 

Annmarie Timmins:

There are lots of questions too about what school funding is going to look like.

Some lawmakers want to put more money into public education. Some want to reduce the scope of what an adequate education is, and thereby you'd be paying for less. Where does the Legislature end up in terms of the court saying, “You're not spending enough, but we're not going to give you a deadline for spending more or tell you what you should be spending.”

Also, I'm really interested in what happens with the University System of New Hampshire. Our public universities and colleges saw about a $30 million cut over two years, and students are telling us what that looks like for them — not only tuition increases but they're losing advisors, and they're seeing professors take early buyouts, so a class they need next semester to stay on track might not be offered until the following semester, and that could have long-term impacts. We have seen a bipartisan bill that would reinstate some of that money, at least for the next school year, and I'm watching that as well.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you for joining us today, Annmarie.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

Collaborative effort seeks to standardize AI use in New Hampshire schools

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Artificial Intelligence is continually changing and shaping the way we live our lives. As AI continues to become more common, it’s important that students understand how to use it to enhance learning. But what are safe ways to use AI in school settings? The N.H. Learning Initiative helped to create a guide that outlines a way to standardize AI usage in schools across the state. Here to discuss that is Ellen Hume-Howard, executive director of the N.H. Learning Initiative.

Melanie Plenda:

The N.H. Learning Initiative worked to create the N.H. AI Education Collaborative. This collaborative, made up of school districts and administrators, wrote the AI guidance for schools framework. Can you tell us more about the framework, and what went into making these guidelines?

Ellen Hume-Howard:

We're very lucky in New Hampshire — we have a very collaborative environment with the professional associations, the principals, the superintendents, the school board, and all the technical organizations in the state. We all were sharing that we thought collaboratively we would be able to maybe get on paper — a little bit of a practical guide for districts. All of our national organizations were sharing with us really great information, so we decided to work together and put our heads together and to create a roadmap for New Hampshire educators and school systems so they'd have a little bit of a starting point. 

Melanie Plenda:

Why did the New Hampshire AI Education Collaborative feel it was important to create this document?

Ellen Hume-Howard:

Lots of times in education, we tend to be a little bit behind the curve when new technology is introduced. There have been many times with different things — computers, internet, calculators — there’s sort of like this hesitation, this waiting to see what's going to happen.

In the case of AI, though, it was coming pretty quick, pretty fast and pretty rapidly, and like the internet and phone use in the last several decades, kids were really out ahead of it — more than the educators in the system. Our intuition was telling us, “Let's see what this is going to look like. Let's see what the safety aspects are.” Because as educators, that's one of the things you're always thinking about — how safe is it? We had to find a middle-of-the–road approach to this, where we were providing guidance but also being very cautious about what the tools were like.

Melanie Plenda:

In what ways can artificial intelligence help both students and teachers?

Ellen Hume-Howard:

I think that AI can be incredibly helpful in multiple ways. One of the things that's really key is that, when it comes to students, having adults guide the process and creating conditions within schools where you can control the AI tools that students have access to really can enhance what education looks like.

Ultimately, AI doesn't replace human beings, right? So that's still a major factor in education, but what AI can do is provide a little bit of a roadmap for students in regards to getting feedback for their learning in multiple ways. Teachers, on the other hand, can find tools within AI that help them with tasks where they need feedback, also designing some lesson plans, doing some things that are often time-consuming that can be quickly done.

Melanie Plenda:

How do these guidelines in the framework help to ensure that AI is being used responsibly within schools, and which parts of the guidelines have been helpful to schools so far?

Ellen Hume-Howard:

Right out of the gate, one of the ways that we were able to cull together the different national picture and the different tools that we were sharing was the idea of what policy needs to look like. Oftentimes, with things like this, when any kind of change happens, lots of times policy is slow to catch up with what the practice needs to be. We wanted to get out ahead of it really early to help districts put in place policies that could help them guide and be able to be flexible, because this is the type of technology that changes and has changed significantly since we even published our guide last spring. 

That was a big piece — where do we start with some of these policies? What do they need to look like? What's fair? How do they align with what the state of New Hampshire requires in an educational setting, things like student privacy, all of those pieces? We built starting points for policies and gave districts sort of a springboard that, “this is how other districts are doing it.” Ultimately, we created a network thinking about this, and I think that really helped. We had some districts that were way out ahead, and they were part of this group.

As we built the guide, we tapped into what they would recommend — here is a good place to start; this is the way that you can build your technology infrastructure so that kids have access to AI but you can protect them. There were multiple things happening as we built this, and it really was reflective of the expertise of this entire committee, and we tapped into people beyond just even the committee — any kind of resources we could find and experts that weighed in and gave us some feedback. 

Melanie Plenda:

Why do you think AI literacy is important to teach in schools from a young age? 

Ellen Hume-Howard:

One of the things you're responsible for as an educator is to prepare students for the world they're living in and for the world that's going to be coming — making sure that we have sensible learning progression experiences for students where they can learn to be literate, they can learn to understand, and how to use these things. We did that when we first introduced the internet.These are all things that come into play in being digitally literate and also just AI-literate, which I think is the new literacy component that all schools need to make adjustments to.

Melanie Plenda:

What would you say to parents who may be skeptical about AI being used in the classroom?

Ellen Hume-Howard:

I think they just need to ask questions, and they need to be part of the conversation and to share what they're worried about and to have communication at the school level to demonstrate how they use AI and what it really looks like. 

We don't have to keep anything a secret about how we're going to use it. One of the things that I was most impressed with early on with AI was the idea that the school system could control what AI students had access to in school. Students have had access to lots of different AI for years, but it's been in different forms. So the control in the school, I think, is probably more strict than maybe what they find when they leave the walls of the school out on their own and what they have access to with other apps. 

I think having the conversation with parents because there are things that they would really benefit from — about how the schools lock down things, advice on how parents can lock down information. I think the conversation needs to be pretty fluid and pretty open and transparent, and no one needs to be worried, because we can have control over some of these things. What we need to be is cautious. We need to be good consumers of these types of advancements. 

Melanie Plenda:

These guidelines were released in June of 2025. How has the implementation of these guidelines played out differently for schools across New Hampshire? 

Ellen Hume-Howard:

We accomplished the policy baseline pieces, which I think have been really effective. But over the last several months we've got lots of feedback from districts. We've had suggestions on how to talk to parents about AI, about different ways to vet apps that students would have access to. We built this guide on our own, but what's happened is that everyone's starting to contribute. So one of the things that we'll do as we get closer to the spring is just relook at every section and update it and edit it based on our learning and take a little dip into where the national conversation is going. 

Melanie Plenda:

How can Granite Staters learn more about how to use AI in an effective manner? Does the New Hampshire Learning Initiative have more resources for understanding AI?

Ellen Hume-Howard:

Looking at the guide has been helpful to some parents — the guide is available on our website. I think maybe just one of the things that we've encouraged teachers to do is to navigate what type of AI workshops are good for them based on their content area. Also, for community members, they're welcome to come and learn some things. There's lots of different AI training going on everywhere, from the University of New Hampshire to the community college system. So there's lots of opportunities where people, all members of the community, are welcome to learn.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you Ellen for joining us today. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

Black History Month: Avoiding myths and telling the truth about American history

February is Black History Month, and we pay special attention to the subject. But recent events, in and outside of New Hampshire, are making that more and more difficult. On Jan. 23,, the Trump administration removed panels that discussed George Washington’s ownership of enslaved people at the President’s House Site in Philadelphia, Pa. (A federal judge on Feb. 16 ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore displays  as a lawsuit filed by the city of Philadelphia continues.) So can we hide from history? Here to discuss that and more is JerriAnne Boggis, executive director of the Black Heritage Trail of New Hampshire. 

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Melanie Plenda:

The Black Heritage Trail works to share New Hampshire’s connection to Black history, one of them being the story of Ona Judge, a young woman who escaped slavery to live in New Hampshire. Her story is depicted on one of the panels in Philadelphia. Can you tell us more about her and her circumstances?

JerriAnne Boggis:

What her story tells us is, first of all, that George Washington enslaved people. That's the first story that we look at when we think of Ona Judge’s story, especially here in New Hampshire, where she ends up living. The other story that it tells us is that the Washingtons knew about a law in Philadelphia, that an enslaved person, after living there for about six months, could petition for their freedom. What the Washingtons did to sidestep that law, to be unlawful, was to cycle out their enslaved people every six months so that they wouldn't have a chance to petition for their freedom. So it was on one of these moments when the Washingtons were cycling out their enslaved people that she decided that she would leave. She left the household, and with the help of the black community, the Underground Railroad, she ended up in Portsmouth. 

We know her story because on several occasions, George Washington ran an ad saying that she was a runaway. At the time, the Fugitive Slave Act was in place, and an enslaver could then have them return to that institution of slavery. On several occasions, he tried to get back what he saw as his property, and he did it under the radar, because at the same time, he's talking about gradual emancipation and getting rid of the institution of slavery.

These stories complicate George Washington at a time when we want to say a myth of the “great valor of this man.” It just shows a much more complex human being who really believed in the institution of slavery and held enslaved people himself.

Melanie Plenda:

What were your thoughts about the removal of information concerning Judge and other enslaved people from the President’s House in Philadelphia? 

JerriAnne Boggis:

I think we do our country a disservice by telling the mythology of America instead of really looking at telling the story truthfully and responsibly. I think we lose so much. We localize these stories in creating a myth of our country. 

We have the Declaration of Independence, which we're celebrating the 250th anniversary this year – the thing that defines America, that we are a place of liberty and justice for all, that we all have the right to pursue our happiness. But when we look at these stories, especially when we look at the story of enslavement black history, it is removed from American history. Because it doesn't fit that narrative of equality and justice for all. It allows us to then remain looking at people in a stereotypical way that the other story tells us, instead of looking at a fully formed human being with desires, pursuing their happiness, work, and courage to be taking a stand for democracy.  Democracy is endangered when we don’t have informed people. We are bound to repeat our mistakes if we don’t understand history.

Melanie Plenda:

In June of 2025 you joined us to discuss the Juneteenth celebration, and how the Black Heritage Trail of New Hampshire was faring in the current political climate. How are things now? Has anything changed?

JerriAnne Boggis:

We are in a good place. First, people wanted to know how we got where we were, and that has continued to be. On a federal level, we struggled when grants were withdrawn. Now in the environment we're in, where a lot of our sponsors are paying attention to basic human needs that have been stripped – clothing, shelter, well-being, health, schools – we see a decline in some things. 

The biggest change that we've seen since then is really our ability to talk about this history in schools. That's where we see some pushback because the teachers themselves are at a risk of losing their own jobs. So we have to be careful. We have to find alternative ways of getting this information to our students, to our younger ones. That's where long-term change happens. 

Melanie Plenda:

How have you been able to address that? How have you been able to reach out to school-age kids if the schools aren’t necessarily an avenue for that anymore?

JerriAnne Boggis:

There are some teachers that will take the risk. There are some school districts where teachers are supported. So what we do is find the like-minded people so we get the information out.

We’ve also looked beyond the schools to look at community organizations, churches. We’ve created really strong partnerships with the Episcopal Church and the Unitarian Church so that we can gather youth groups, community organizations, to really get this out, And we are really relying on our tours so that they can actually be out of the classroom and see this information right in their backyard. 

Melanie Plenda:

Can you tell us about the Ona Judge mural and the importance of the “History Through Art” initiative and continuing to tell the history of Black Americans?

JerriAnne Boggis:

Art has the ability to disarm people. Looking at something beautiful – looking at something someone created, that touch, that feel, invisibly seeing it raises that curiosity. We're fortunate that Manny Ramirez from Positive Street Art is our local artist. He is from Nashua, a young man of color who is creating the piece for us.

There's no picture of what Ona Judge looked like, so like what we did with the Harriet Wilson statue, we had to create this for what story we're telling. We do know Ona Judge had freckles, and she had curly hair. But exactly what she looked like, we don't know.

So we did the research on what she could have worn. She was the body servant to Martha Washington, and that said she was well-dressed. So that gives us an opportunity to break stereotypes of what black women look like, creating a well-dressed 18th century woman. So we have this really nice, powerful image of this woman standing tall, just tasting freedom, by her choice, here in New Hampshire, and what possibilities that await her.

Melanie Plenda:

In honor of Black History Month, every Sunday in February, the Black Heritage Trail hosts the series, “The Elinor Williams Hooker Tea Talks,” showcasing New Hampshire Black history and featuring panelists presenting on the importance of cultural expression. Why is it so significant to illuminate specifically, the importance of African American oratory, especially right now?

JerriAnne Boggis:

When we decided on doing the series, – we try to plan them a year in advance – we knew we were coming up to the 250th anniversary, and we started getting all the talk about erasing Black history. We can't talk about it in school, can't read this book – all the things that we can't do. Thinking of the 250th, of this whole voice –  the First Amendment right of freedom of speech – and then we looked at our Black history, the importance of the oratory just came to mind. It is that power that's in the voice. 

We wanted to examine right where we start, right where our independence starts – with the voice. In doing so, to look at what Black oratory is, the role the pastor played not only in spiritual life but secular life. The power of the pulpit, what Black women have done throughout America's history in using their voice to speak to social justice issues, and what our young people are doing today. How has oratory changed? What form has it taken? How are they protesting? How are they using their voice for social change? So that's what we wanted to examine with this series, where it starts with the voice.

Melanie Plenda:

Last year you wrote an op-ed for the Union Leader about using social media to project Black voices when books and curriculum are being censored. How do you think these Black influencers can make an impact, as history is being torn down right in front of us?   

JerriAnne Boggis:

This new platform of social media – all of the different avenues, whether it's above ground, underground or right in the middle. These stories cannot be hidden. Instantly, all over the world,  somebody has this information. Those platforms are so powerful in getting messages out that they open many doors for Black influencers to tell the story and tell the truth. We as the recipient of these stories, have to be discerning as to who we listen to or find the knowledge for ourselves. But you can't hide it so easily anymore, and that's the beauty of the platforms that we have.

Melanie Plenda:

Last year, the Trump administration restored a statue of Confederate general and KKK member, Albert Pike in Washington, D.C.. Now, as they remove vital pieces of Black history from sites across the nation, what is going on here? And what kind of impact do you think this will have?

JerriAnne Boggis:

This is one of the things that we're always afraid to say: This is a power move to maintain white supremacy. It's a power move to create a narrative that we already knew was false. We had gotten to a point in telling the history of our stories very openly. There were all these projects coming up that were looking at America without rose-colored glasses. We were looking truthfully at our story, and we were creating these pockets of understanding and of crossing that bridge of networking with each other to create a break. If you are in a power position, you are scared about that, because once the majority moves away from that, then that power structure has to fall, and something else has to take its place. But I want to be hopeful that it's not the majority of the country that thinks that way. I have to be hopeful that we moved further along that ladder that we thought we did.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you JerriAnne for joining us today. We really appreciate it.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

‘The Old Homestead’: How a 19th century play can still speak to us now

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

We’re here to talk about a passion project that is at the heart of film history, New Hampshire history and perhaps even the quintessential mystique of the wise Yankee farmer. It all starts with a 19th-century play, “The Old Homestead,” which eventually became a silent movie. It has a unique history and pedigree, and to tell us more about it we have two experts also with a unique history and pedigree. We have Keene State College film professor emeritus and filmmaker Larry Benaquist and author Howard Mansfield. 

Melanie Plenda:

Larry, tell us a bit about the history of “The Old Homestead” and its connections to New Hampshire.

Larry Benaquist:

“The Old Homestead” is a play that was written by Denman Thompson, a resident of west of Swanzey, N.H., who became an actor in his early days and ended up writing a play that he could do as a skit, which he performed around the country for over 25 years. This play became so popular, so widely seen, that it astonished even him.Apparently, this vision of the New Hampshire farmer as wise, industrious, kind became the way Americans saw this. It’s not  a caricature, exactly, not even a stereotype – the authenticity of it struck people, so much so that they were turning people away at the door for 25 years. This play is one of the most popular plays in America.

Melanie Plenda:

Can you give us the basic plot, just a rundown real quick of what is, what is the play about?

Larry Benaquist:

It's a retelling, in a way, of the prodigal son story from the Bible. When the play opens, the old farmer’s son has left him about a year before. There had been a robbery at the bank in his town. He was accused of the robbery – he had not done it, and even though that was to be proven, he left in humiliation and went to New York City and started leading a life of and just sank into alcoholism and shame. The play opens with his father, who's a widower living on a farm outside of Keene with his sister and some interesting characters in the neighborhood who accompany him. After meeting a tramp who comes to the house, he ends up going to New York City to retrieve his son. 

It’s a very simple play. It’s in four acts and ends up where it begins – at the farm in West Swanzey.

Melanie Plenda:

How did you first hear about it?

Larry Benaquist:

The play had been put on every year in Swanzey from 1939 until 2016. After Denman Thompson’s death in 1911, the play had been filmed twice. I didn’t even know about that.

One day, before Covid, a woman in Keene said to me, “You know what, I think this play has been filmed a couple of times.” So I was isolated during Covid and had nothing to do, so I thought, “I’m going to try and find those films,” and that’s what I started to do. It took a few years to happen because no prints existed in this country. We found prints in Europe.

There was a 15-minute film in 1915, four years after Denman Thompson died that was very popular and stuck pretty  much to the play, and then in 1922, during the Jazz Age – a totally different interpretation of the story. We found the 1915 version in a small archive in Paris. The 1922 version was in two locations – Moscow and Brussels – and I found it much easier to deal with Brussels. 

Howard and I have overseen the production of a half-hour documentary dealing with this whole process, and specifically the great significance of the play in the late 19th century, which I really had no idea about at the time,

Melanie Plenda:

Howard, please tell us a bit about your background and how you came across “The Old Homestead?” 

Howard Mansfield:

I write about how places came to be the way they are, why people tell certain stories about their history, and why they refuse to tell other stories. So I'm just the guy who goes around and asks  a lot of questions, pokes around, goes through the archives.

I went to see “The Old Homestead” three different times. It's very unlike anything you've ever seen. You're used to going to the theater and seeing three or four characters and two acts. This is 50 characters played by about 25 actors over four acts, with breaks for music for barbershop quartets with live oxen walking across. It's an entirely different thing. 

One of the most important characters of the play is the barnyard – the name of play, “The Old Homestead,” that’s what people loved. His audience were farm people who had gone to the city,  and they loved the play and loved seeing the animals. There’s a lot of talk of farm chores there. They missed chores. They missed animals. 

The other was Uncle Josh himself. Denman Thompson started out as a variety actor, basically vaudeville stage, doing all sorts of very broad gestures. Uncle Josh is based on just the three years he spent in Swanzey. His family had a long background in Swanzey – he had three generations of his family. Before he was born, they left to try their luck on the frontier, which at that time was in Pennsylvania. They failed, came back, and in just those three years, Denman is going back, absorbs all that and creates this character based on two figures in town who were known for their wit. 

Uncle Josh is kind. He’s constantly sitting down listening to people’s stories, and people really reacted to that. Ministers said to their congregations, “It’s worth a dozen sermons – go see it.” People go see it over and over. The play had great resonance and great attraction.

Melanie Plenda:

There’s an event coming up in Keene about it. Larry, can you tell us more about it? And most importantly, is it too late to get tickets? 

Larry Benaquist:

Well, I'm afraid for two films that haven't been seen in over 100 years, there might be some seats available at the last minute if people don't show up. There was only room for 140 seats, but we fully intend to bring this around to other locations. I think people will want it. These are two very, very interesting films, and accompanying them is the 30-minute documentary with this history we’ve been talking about and a lot of information about how Thompson came to write the play and the aftermath.

Melanie Plenda:

Let’s dig a little deeper. Why do you think this piece resonates with people? What is its staying power?

Larry Benaquist:

Staying power is something we've talked about, as we observe in our documentary. It's very much a piece of its mid- to late-19th century origins. There's nothing about it that could be modernized. It has to be seen in the context of itself. You can do Hamlet in modern dress or Romeo and Juliet in spacesuits. But you can't do anything like that with this play, because part and parcel of it is the land itself. Howard got it exactly right. The star of the film is “The Old Homestead.” It’s a place where clarity can be achieved. Where honesty and real connections between human beings happen. The shots that are shown in the city are the reverse of that. They're teasing him because he's from the country. They get him drunk. He's flirted with by wanton women. You've got this split between the virtues of agricultural, rural life and what's lost when that's gone. 

Melanie Plenda:

What do you hope people who attend the event take away from it? 

Howard Mansfield:

I hope that they have a sense of maybe a little bit about what country life used to be like around here and why people may longed for it as it was fading. Maybe, if they think about it,, they realize how many of these images are still around today in popular culture. They are in images in Hollywood movies, and these Hallmark movies where people are always going back to the small town and finding romance at Christmas time – all these tropes. They still live, and there's still this longing for home. 

There are two stories we tell about home. Home waits for us, we can always go back there or home is fled, and we can never go back. I think you see those kinds of two things going on in this play and in the movies, and I think those are two things that people are always longing for.

Larry Benaquist:

That might explain the immense popularity of this play with urban audiences. You couldn't get tickets for this play in Boston or New York City. They were sold out. So it wasn't just country people leaving their farms and going into the small towns to see it in a local theater. It was different from that. 

Melanie Plenda:

So interesting! Thank you for sharing all this with us and our audience.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

Protests in New Hampshire: what are your rights?

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity. 

The right to assemble is ingrained in the American Constitution. Is that a right to protest? And what does that right guarantee you? In light of the recent deaths in Minnesota, where people are protesting about the presence of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, officers in the area, and as other anti-ICE rallies break out here in New Hampshire and the country, what can protesters do to stay safe but effective? Here to discuss it is Margaret O’Grady, an assistant professor and constitutional law expert at the University of New Hampshire. 

Melanie Plenda:

Is protesting something we, as Americans, can do anywhere, anytime and in any manner we want?

Margaret O’Grady:

The answer is a resounding yes. It's not often a constitutional law professor can say a one-word answer, but in this case, the answer is yes. To the second part, are there limits on it? That is also a yes, but I just want to step back for a second and think about how the First Amendment does guarantee the right to assemble, which includes the right to protest.

The actual language is “Congress shall make no law prohibiting the freedom of speech or of the press or of the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the government for redress of grievances.” That's the U.S. Constitution from 1789. 

The New Hampshire Constitution was written five years earlier, and arguably has more robust protections for the freedom to assemble. There, it says, ‘The people have a right in an orderly and peaceful manner to assemble and consult upon the common good, give instructions to the representatives and to request of the legislative body by way of petition or remonstrance, redress of the wrongs done to them and of the grievances they suffer.” That word, “remonstrance,” actually means vocal, virulent protest, and so it is enshrined in our Constitution. It's a bedrock principle, both in New Hampshire and federally.

Melanie Plenda:

What are the restrictions? 

Margaret O’Grady:

As a blanket matter, speech is quite protected, but just because you're speaking doesn't mean you can commit other crimes. There are state statutes that say you can't riot, you can't disturb the peace, and you must follow laws, generally. There's also what's usually referred to as “time, place and manner” restrictions. That's a phrase that basically means the government, the federal government, a state, a municipality, can say you can protest, but first we're going to say that you can't protest, for example, past 9 p.m. because kids have to be asleep. 

The really important thing is, what the government can't put restrictions on is the content of that speech. So any government can't say you're allowed to have a parade or a gathering in front of the State House in support of animal welfare, but you are not allowed to have a gathering in support of the protesters in Minneapolis. That would be a restriction based on the viewpoint and the content of the speech, and that is absolutely unconstitutional. So those restrictions really just have to be based on the time, place, and manner, and not the content.

Melanie Plenda:

What about spontaneous protests? I mean, are those allowed to happen? Or do you have to have a permit?

Margaret O’Grady:

So those are allowed to happen. There's case law saying that when a group of people gathers together in immediate response to a breaking news event, for example, that's got to be allowed. Again, there are restrictions — you can’t be blocking traffic or creating some sort of public safety issue, for example. But what we saw in Minneapolis, for example, after the killings of Alex Pretti and Renée Good, there were spontaneous, very large demonstrations happening, and those are protected. We need to see all of this together as it’s not just that speech and protest are protected in the Constitution, it’s really the bedrock — one of the most important rights that people have. 

Melanie Plenda:

What legal responsibilities does a local government have when it comes to protesters? 

Margaret O’Grady:

The main thing is to allow the speech to go forward, to protect the rights of the speakers and to protect the rights of the listeners, also. Part of free speech is the freedom to hear what someone else is saying. In that. is protecting the public safety during a protest, which is obviously their number one public safety function, but it is to protect the speaker and to protect the listeners.

Melanie Plenda:

What about police or federal officers? What legal responsibilities do they have? 

Margaret O’Grady:

They have constitutional obligations to not violate people's Fourth Amendment rights, regarding search and seizure, not to use deadly force unless there is an imminent threat to themselves or to others, and to ensure that speakers can speak and that also people can hear them. When officers are in a situation where there is a protest, where there are people exercising their First Amendment rights, public safety, of course, is their job but also not preventing speech or preventing people from listening to that speech.

Melanie Plenda:

If they cross those lines, what are the consequences and how are they enforced?

Margaret O’Grady:

That's a really complicated question, and perhaps our first reaction is that it shouldn't be complicated, but it really is.

If we look at specifically the situation of the killing of Renée Good and Alex Pretti, those were federal officers who took their lives. Were they state officers, there might be some more of an availability for a criminal prosecution, and we saw that with the murder of George Floyd. Because we have federal officers, there are other issues at play, which really do constrain the ability of the loved ones of the victims, and also the state, from prosecuting it as a crime. 

First, the Department of Justice could prosecute it as a crime. I think we all know from the reaction of the administration blaming the victims immediately, that's very unlikely to happen. In fact, people who worked in the U.S. Attorney's Office in Minnesota resigned because they were told not to investigate the officers, but rather to investigate the family of Renée Good. So I think it's very unlikely we'll see an investigation by the federal officials.

In terms of the state officials, that's the Supremacy Clause immunity doctrine, comes into play. That means that, although a state officer could be found criminally charged for that crime, because it's a federal officer the state will have a very hard time prosecuting that crime. They'll have to go to federal court. They will have to show that the officers cannot make any defense, that anybody in their shoes reasonably acting under the color of their federal authority would have — even if it's mistakenly in the scope of their duties — committed the acts that they committed. That makes it really hard for state prosecutors to prosecute it as a crime. 

I think they should try. I always say this to my law students: You represent your client within the confines of what the law is, and you do your best. So I think they should try. But it's a very high hurdle to clear. The vice president said federal officers have absolute immunity. That is not true, but it is true that it’s a high hurdle. 

In terms of civil liability, there is no avenue for the families of the victims to sue civilly. There's a statutory ability to sue under Section 1983 — you can sue for tort damages when your constitutional rights have been violated, or on behalf of a loved one who's been killed. But there's no such statutory authority for federal officials to be sued in the same way. 

Melanie Plenda:

When you have a conflict between a state and federal government, what are the legalities and rules at play? For example, Minnesota and federal officials seem to be at odds about investigating these deaths and who has jurisdiction. 

Margaret O’Grady:

In terms of a crime committed in a state, both should have jurisdiction. I think a lot of these questions then become more political than legal — it’s very unusual to have a federal government that has no appetite for investigating a crime committed by a federal officer, and that's the issue we have here.

The state is trying to assert its severity as a state, but they didn't want ICE to come in in the first place. So these clashes are really foundational to the safety of the people in a state. Usually, it's the safety of the people in a state, and the federal government helps a state, like after a storm cleanup, but this clash is something that is unusual, and I won't say completely unprecedented in our history, but certainly in our recent history.

Melanie Plenda:

Do you have any advice for people who are protesting at these anti-ICE rallies in terms of protecting themselves legally? 

Margaret O’Grady:

I think the important thing is to know that you are within your rights to use your voice, and so use it. Make sure you tell people where you're going to be. Do not do anything that violates the law in another way — do not disturb the peace, do not stop traffic. Be peaceful.

You also have the legal right to record. I want to be very clear about that too. There was actually a fairly recent case from the First Circuit, a man recorded an arrest happening on Boston Common, and the First Circuit found that he was within his rights to do so, because recording of police actions in public is a foundational to the First Amendment — freedom of the press and freedom of speech. Bring your phone, charge it, record it, make sure someone knows where you're going to be. 

Groups like the ACLU have a lot on their website about how to protest safely, and I think that the main thing is, try to maintain your own peacefulness. And, of course, do not be violent, and make sure you're with people who know you and you feel safe with, and continue on in a way that is as safe as you can be in this situation.

I've been to several gatherings in my town and around the state, and have never felt unsafe. I think a lot of us see what's going on, and of course the deaths of Alex Pretti and Renée Good shook a lot of people. The stakes are very high, and I think we can be inspired by the people of Minneapolis who see the wrongs being done to their neighbors, the terror being inflicted on their neighbors, and they stand out. I don't want us to start walking around and feeling silenced before we even speak out because we're afraid of violence — that would be a really tragic outcome of what we see happening.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you so much for such great information.Thank you for joining us today. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

Why is there such low participation in the state’s Family and Medical Leave program?

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

If you are one of the lucky few with paid family or medical leave insurance in New Hampshire, you likely know how valuable it is. But despite the state’s efforts, few workers have this benefit available. Why do so few people in New Hampshire have it, and what does that mean for the state’s efforts? Joining us to discuss that is Dr. Kristin Smith, an associate professor of sociology and director of the Policy Research Shop at the Rockefeller Center at Dartmouth College. She is also a senior fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. 

Melanie Plenda:

What inspired you to research this topic, and why is it important?

Kristin Smith:

I have been researching working family policy for 25 years. One of the things that's really important is how families can manage their work and family responsibilities — what policies are available to help families? And paid family and medical leave is one of those policies.

Melanie Plenda:

Tell us about your recent policy brief and what it covers. Where can people find it?

Kristin Smith:

My recent policy brief is at the Carsey School of Public Policy. It was published through the Carsey School of Public Policy in one of their series on New Hampshire.

This brief came about because, in 2021,  there was a paid family and medical leave program that was passed in the state budget bill, and there was coverage to be offered, beginning in January 2023. Since I had been studying paid family and medical leave since 2016, I decided to collect some data in 2022 just prior to the launching of this program, and then again in 2023 and 2024. This was so that I would be able to track the impact of this program on the workers' access to paid family and medical leave in our state.

What this brief is covering is a look over time from 2016 to 2024 at how access to paid family and medical leave has changed, and whether there's been a change during the time since the enactment of this policy. 

Melanie Plenda:

What were your findings, in a broad sense?

Kristin Smith:

One of the major findings is that, in New Hampshire, workers lack paid family and medical leave overall. They did in 2016, and this program has had very little impact in changing the access overall for the whole state.

About 3% of workers in our state have access to paid family and medical leave through the voluntary, opt-in paid family and medical leave program. That doesn't mean that only 3% of workers in our state have access to paid family and medical leave, because employers are also offering their workers paid family and medical leave. The issue is that not all employers are offering it.

The state wanted to offer a chance for workers to opt in to a program if their employers were not offering it, and also offer employers a way to get paid family and medical leave through the insurance company that the state has contracted with, MetLife. 

There are three plans within this voluntary paid family and medical leave program. The first is that state employees were automatically offered paid family and medical leave through this program. So roughly 9,000 state workers now have access to paid family and medical leave through this program. Then private employers can opt in to the program. If you're a worker and your employer doesn't offer paid family and medical leave, you can buy into the program and pay that insurance premium yourself.

Melanie Plenda:

For those who are unfamiliar, how does paid family and medical leave work in New Hampshire?

Kristin Smith:

Employers can offer paid family and medical leave as a benefit to their employees, and some of them have been doing this for many years. Typically, it's the larger firms that are offering paid family and medical leave through the employer, as well as employers that have sort of higher-educated and higher-earning workers. That's one way you can get paid family and medical leave through your employer. 

Another recent addition is this voluntary paid family and medical leave program. This is the first. It's a very unique program because it's allowing employers and workers to opt in to the program. That's a second way that you could get paid family and medical leave in our state. 

In other states, there are two different models. One is that the states don't offer any paid family and medical leave at all, and it's just through employers that workers can get paid family and medical leave as a benefit. Another model is Comprehensive Universal Paid Family and Medical Leave, which is offered in 14 states. Those states have eligibility criteria for workers, but in general, most workers are eligible, and they have benefits that they can take if they have a qualifying medical reason. 

Melanie Plenda:

Your recent paper looked at who has paid family and medical leave across different demographics. What were some of those findings? Who is more likely and less likely to have this benefit? 

Kristin Smith:

Overall, workers who are in larger firms have paid family and medical leave compared to workers that are in smaller firms. That's a really important point, because in New Hampshire, we have a lot of small firms — like over 90% of our firms are small businesses with less than 50 workers. So that translates into a lot of workers not having access to these benefits. Workers who have higher education, workers who have higher earnings typically have paid family and medical leave, which means that those that don't have those characteristics are less likely to have that. As well as women — women typically are in occupations that don't offer paid family and medical leave, and therefore, as a whole, women have less access to these benefits.

Melanie Plenda:

Did New Hampshire’s recent efforts to team up with MetLife to offer more paid family and medical leave have any impact on the state’s workers?

Kristin Smith:

About 3% of workers in New Hampshire have covered for paid family and medical leave through the voluntary paid family and medical leave program through MetLife. That translates into about 18,000 workers. So 18,000 workers are probably pretty happy that they have access to paid family and medical leave through this program.

But in terms of moving the needle on a state level, this program, it's really falling short in terms of making an impact. There are a lot of reasons for that. 

I think the main reason is that workers don't know about this program. About 18% of workers have heard of this program, which means that 80% haven't heard of it. Despite the state's efforts to get the word out, there’s just not a lot of knowledge about the program — that’s probably the largest reason.

There are some other reasons as well. The program offers six weeks of paid family and medical leave at a reimbursement rate of 60% of the workers wages up to a cap.  In comparison to some other states that offer paid leave programs, almost all the states offer 12 weeks of leave. That might be a reason that some workers aren't signing up and taking the leave, as well as the 60% wage replacement level that is a bit lower than the other states. 

Many states have adopted a progressive scale. If you are a lower-wage earner, you would be able to get wage replacement for up to 90% of your wages, and then that would decrease up to usually around 67% or 70% for all workers. So having a low replacement level really has been shown in the research to be a deterrent for workers taking the leave if they have the leave, and I think it's probably a deterrent here in terms of joining the program among those workers who are joining as individuals. So men and lower-income workers typically give the reason of a low replacement rate as one of the main reasons they're not taking the leave, even when it's paid.

Melanie Plenda:

Isn’t there also a long waiting period to get the benefits? Does that also play a role?

Kristin Smith:

Individual workers are required to pay in for seven months before they are eligible to make claims. That’s a bit longer than some of the other programs, although programs do typically have a waiting period, it's not often seven months.

The other thing that might be a deterrent or difficult for individuals who are thinking about joining the program is that there is a two-month enrollment period in December and January. If there was sort of a sliding enrollment period, they might see more individuals joining. Employers can join whenever they want. They don’t have a two-month enrollment period, and they don't have a seven-month waiting period. So those two factors are really more important in thinking about the individual workers, if you want to increase access for those workers.

Melanie Plenda:

What are the consequences for those who don’t have paid family and medical leave?

Kristin Smith:

There are some really important consequences that have a real impact on families.

If a worker doesn't have access to paid family and medical leave, they may leave the labor force because of the demands on their time to care for their loved ones. That's an important piece to think about in New Hampshire, where we have a pretty low unemployment rate right now, and we're always looking to have a robust workforce. Not having this type of benefit can sort of deter people from moving to our state as well as in terms of recruitment and retention of workers — those are the two pieces that at the state level policymakers may want to be thinking about in terms of having a robust paid family and medical leave program. In other states, we've seen that this has been a way for states to retain and recruit workers.

Melanie Plenda:

What’s the solution here? What would that look like? 

Kristin Smith:

There are several things that one could contemplate. We in the United States don't have a national paid family and medical leave program. The most efficient way, but least likely way, would be to pass the Family Act, which has been introduced into Congress in this legislative session. The New Hampshire Legislature could pass their own Comprehensive Universal Program for Paid Family and Medical Leave, and that would increase access for all workers, regardless of whether your employer is offering this benefit or not. 

New Hampshire could also consider ways to improve the program that they currently have. The voluntary program could be improved, and those are some things that I've already talked about — offering 12 weeks of leave instead of six weeks, raising the wage replacement level from 60% to something higher, having a higher wage replacement for workers that are lower-wage workers, and expanding the job protection. 

We didn't really talk about this yet, but the job protection piece in the voluntary program that is linked to the federal Family and Medical Leave Act — which is the act that provides unpaid leave in our state and in the nation — is linked to the size of your employer, and because we are a state that has a lot of small employers, about 60% of our workers lack job protection when they take either the unpaid or paid family and medical leave. So having job protection that is more for the workers would be another thing that policymakers could consider.

Melanie Plenda:

Interesting food for thought — thank you Dr. Smith.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

COVID-19, the flu and norovirus: A seasonal update

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

This is the 250th episode of “The State We’re In,” which began during the pandemic with updates about COVID-19. Today we’re going back to our roots in a conversation with Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez, hospital epidemiologist at Dartmouth-Hitchcock Medical Center, about COVID as well as the rise in cases of flu and norovirus and what you and your loved ones can do to protect yourselves.

Melanie Plenda:

Is COVID still an issue in New Hampshire? 

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

It definitely is. I think maybe some of you might remember that we had a little bit of a spike of cases during the summer, a little bit of a lull in the fall, and we are seeing an increasing trend of COVID-19 cases in the community across the state.

Melanie Plenda:

What about flu cases this year? According to news reports, serious cases are on the rise at most hospitals. Is there something different about this strain of flu?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

There is. Currently, the predominant strain is an influenza A virus, and that particular strain has had significant accumulation of mutations. This is what we call an “antigenic drift.” “Antigenic” actually refers to accumulation of mutations by the virus over time, and this is actually what drives seasonal flu epidemics every year, and why we need to update our flu vaccines every year. 

This particular clade is called K, and it has high antigenic drift, and what that means is that, compared to prior years, it has accumulated a little bit more mutations, and what results in is larger outbreaks, a quicker and very steep increase in cases and higher transmission rates, which is what we’re seeing this season

Melanie Plenda:

What are the symptoms of flu? 

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Fever, usually, which makes it distinct from common colds. Usually, people will have some high fevers,particularly young children and older adults. Cough, which can be dry or productive. You can have some shortness of breath, body aches, muscle aches. It really can send people to bed or home for a day or two. This is regardless of whether you're healthy or have medical problems.

It can hit people quite quickly for the first two days of the illness. Illnesses like common colds, where you have maybe the sniffles, you feel like you're still able to sort of function. But the flu can take a toll on one's body quite quickly.

Melanie Plenda:

When should you head to a hospital, versus just staying home and resting?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

When you feel shortness of breath — you're not able to breathe well, and it just keeps persisting. It can lead to seizures, febrile seizures, in those less than two years of age, mostly. It's keeping an eye on the temperatures, and if you feel that by day four or five, the person who is sick continues to feel sick and is not able to function, seeking medical attention with either your primary care provider, depending on the urgency, or an emergency room or urgent care clinic visit would be appropriate to to get ahead of it. 

Melanie Plenda:

What about norovirus? Are cases also on the rise? 

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Norovirus is an interesting virus. It has some seasonality to it. There are some years where there are lulls. There is some component of climate, meaning that it can sort of spread quicker in certain summers, for example. Every three to four years, we see high epidemics and then lulls, years where it sort of stays low. In 2025, we did see a higher incidence of norovirus being identified during the summer and into the winter months than compared to other years.

Melanie Plenda:

What are some of the symptoms of norovirus?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

It's very explosive diarrhea. It's a very contagious virus. You just need a little bit of exposure to a couple of those variants to get ill. It usually lasts 24 to 48 hours. Some patients that have weak immune systems may have more prolonged days of symptoms. What makes people very sick and needing to seek medical attention, or sometimes emergency room visits, is dehydration. They're not able to keep up with any fluids orally, so patients can become dehydrated quite quickly. So the most vulnerable patients — like young children, older adults — are more susceptible to dehydration, and that would encourage them to seek medical attention.

Melanie Plenda:

Is it too late for flu vaccines at this point? 

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Absolutely not. The flu season started a couple of weeks earlier than the U.S. in European countries. We do have some estimates out of England regarding the flu vaccine efficacy. They found it’s about 70% to 75% effective against hospitalization for children, and about 30 to 40% for adults against hospitalization. There was more concern that it was not going to be as similar to other flu vaccine seasons because of the antigenic drift that we talked about. So what that means is that there is still a chance, if you haven't been vaccinated for the flu, to get the vaccine to protect yourself and the community.

Melanie Plenda:

When is the best time to get that vaccine?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

In general, I tell my patients to get it before Halloween. Starting in December is when we see the increase in cases, but you want to get it at least two weeks before it starts circulating, because that's when you get the most protection. 

Melanie Plenda:

What should you do to stay healthy? Should we break out masks and gloves again? Is hand sanitizer enough?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Wash your hands — hand hygiene is always encouraged. Hand sanitizer is effective against eliminating influenza virus and other viruses from our hands. It just has to be more than 70% alcohol to be able to kill that virus or bacteria in our hands.

Regarding the mask, if it's well-fitting and used appropriately, it should protect yourself and others, particularly if you're sick. Wearing a mask will do what we call source control, which is prevent you from spreading illness to others. I know that using a mask regularly every day is not necessarily something that's feasible, but the more you can use it in certain situations, it sort of accumulates that risk mitigation. 

Melanie Plenda:

Speaking of vaccines, the federal government has released new guidelines reducing the number of required vaccines for children. What do you think of the guidelines?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

I think, like all of us in the medical community, we are concerned by these changes. The childhood vaccine schedules in the United States have been developed through many, many years of rigorous review, looking at safety and effectiveness data, taking into consideration our health care system, how fragmented it is, how there are pockets of patients that are vulnerable and are unable to access care. So a lot of thought and debate over the years around how we have implemented our childhood vaccine schedules went into it, and so I think we're all concerned that this thoughtful process did not happen when these changes were issued.

The prior childhood vaccine schedules were meant to protect all, not just individual children — but entire communities. So reducing the recommended vaccines without necessarily having strong scientific justification, or at least transparency on how these decisions were made, will potentially increase preventable diseases and end up undermining the public's trust in the system that has saved countless lives for the past 50-plus years.

Melanie Plenda:

What advice would you give parents about getting kids vaccinated?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

One thing we should make clear is that nothing has changed. We haven't had any evidence that the safety or efficacy of the vaccines that we have been delivering and recommending in our childhood vaccine schedules for many years has changed. No evidence has been brought to light that would prompt us to drastically change our schedule.

I would encourage parents to ask questions of vaccine safety and whether this is what's right for their child. But I would also point out that nothing has changed in terms of safety or evidence to make these unilateral changes. So I would advise parents to continue to visit their child's providers and have discussions if they do have worry or confusion. Because I think that right now, a lot of patients may be confused about whether the changes were something that they should be looking into or not. 

Melanie Plenda:

Do you have any other advice for people trying to stay healthy this winter?

Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

I almost always say similar things when I talk about general public health and staying healthy. There has been a lot of confusion and different opinions around how to stay healthy. I think that having conversations with trusted sources of information and bringing up difficult questions and challenging sometimes things that we thought were to be true — that’s part of how we move, how we evolve, how we identify issues in public health. But that doesn't mean that by asking questions that it should completely eliminate the rigorous reviews that have happened before. Continue to talk and find common ground on some of these issues that are complicated, because our health care system is complicated.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you for those tips, doctor.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

State House update: What to expect during the 2026 legislative session

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.


Our state Legislature has been hard at work. New laws passed in 2025 have just gone into effect, and the 2026 legislative session has just started. Here to explain what’s going on is Anna Brown, executive director of Citizens Count, a nonprofit and nonpartisan organization dedicated to educating voters about the political process. Brown is also executive director of the Warren B. Rudman Center for Justice, Leadership and Public Service at the University of New Hampshire’s Franklin Pierce School of Law.

Melanie Plenda:

Can you give us a brief overview of some of the new laws that went into effect on Jan. 1?

Anna Brown:

The biggest headline was an end to mandatory car inspections, and there has been some litigation around that, but that was a big change that a lot of people were probably watching. We also have a new ban on certain gender-related care and treatment for minors and a ban on sanctuary cities, which are towns and cities in New Hampshire that would otherwise not cooperate with ICE and immigration enforcement from the federal level. 

Melanie Plenda:

Let’s dig a little deeper. Tell us more about what the gender-affirming care law for minors entails. How will that affect people?

Anna Brown:

This is looking at surgeries, hormone therapy, such as puberty blockers, and other interventions that minors would get related to a gender transition. Any minors that were getting procedures prior to Jan. 1 will be able to continue them — that was an amendment to the bill that got some more support on board — but going forward, there won't be the opportunity to do that in New Hampshire for those under 18. 

Melanie Plenda:

What about sanctuary cities? How will this ban affect the state and its residents?

Anna Brown:

The definition of sanctuary city is a little subjective, but basically, a sanctuary city would have a policy in place that they're not going to cooperate with ICE detainers, that's Immigration and Customs Enforcement. When local law enforcement cooperates with ICE detainers and a person is arrested, they would hold that person up to 48 hours for ICE to come and move forward with immigration enforcement proceedings.

In New Hampshire, this wasn’t a widespread issue. There has been one town, Hanover, that had a policy against cooperating with ICE. They were at risk of losing state funding if they didn't change that policy. So they have changed their policy coming into the new year. New Hampshire’s big cities, not to mention all of the small towns, this wasn't really something that was happening, so there shouldn't be big differences in terms of what law enforcement is doing.

Melanie Plenda:

Another law has to do with ambulance costs. Can you tell us more about that?

Anna Brown:

Yes, this is a ban on balance billing. What that means is if you're calling an ambulance to the hospital — it’s an emergency, you're not going to ask them the network they're in or the rates. But when the ambulance submits to your insurance, there might be a disagreement. The ambulance might want you to be paying more than what your insurance is willing to cover, so the individual would get a bill for the balance — that’s why we say balance billing. It was also sometimes called surprise billing because if you're taking the ambulance ride and you have insurance, you're not expecting to get a big bill after the fact. So this law blocks that and sets rates for ambulances providers in terms of what they are allowed to charge insurers.

Melanie Plenda:

What about the law involving AI chatbots and minors? What’s behind that? 

Anna Brown:

This is an interesting one, as AI is just constantly evolving, and it's a really strange legal landscape in terms of determining who is responsible when bad things happen.

This bill is looking at what happens when an AI chat bot or similar tool encourages suicide, makes sexual suggestions or encourages other harmful behavior. This law adds civil penalties, such as a fine, though the law that's going into effect says specifically that the owner or operator must know that they are intending to facilitate, engage or encourage this harmful behavior.

Realistically, most of these AI technology developers are not sitting there with the intention to encourage harmful behavior among children. So I am not convinced that this law is going to have a really big impact at the moment, but there was hesitation among legislators to go farther than that, because it is such a rapidly changing landscape. Again, it's hard to assign blame and responsibility when it's so complex that people aren't even sure where some of this information is coming from. 

Melanie Plenda:

Parents now have a right to see their children’s library records. How did that come about? 

Anna Brown:

This is related to a lot of general concern around certain books about sex and gender, in particular, that minors have access to.

Previously, if a minor had their own library card with their name on it, the parent did not automatically get access to see what that child was checking out. There was an argument that this is a concern. The counterargument was, “OK, then a parent doesn't have to allow their child to have their own library card.” But after a few years of debate, legislators ultimately decided that we want all parents and legal guardians to be able to go to a library and say, “I would like to see the books that my children have checked out.” There are still some questions in terms of what libraries are going to be able to do to verify if someone is definitely a child's parent and if they should be having access to that child. Because, of course, we do have some scary and unfortunate situations in this world when a parent is not a safe person for a child.

Melanie Plenda:

There’s also a new law about returning confiscated firearms. Can you tell us more about that?
Anna Brown:

This law basically is shifting the default in courts towards immediately returning a person's firearm after a protective order expires. I do expect there to be ongoing debates around this. In the upcoming legislative session, there are some bills that are looking to change what's going on with the return of firearms after protective orders. 

Melanie Plenda:

Let’s look ahead, what about some of the things coming up in the Legislature this year. What about housing? 

Anna Brown:

For every zoning change that was passed at the state level last year, I am pretty much seeing a bill in 2026 to roll it back or hem it back in.

For example, there was a law that allows multifamily residential development in commercial zones — they’re looking to repeal that this session. There was also an expanded right to accessory dwelling unit development, which puts accessory dwelling units, or ADUs, completely back under local control. Given what I've seen in the past, it seems unlikely that the Legislature will immediately repeal a law that they just passed the previous year. 

There are a couple bills that are looking to add extra taxes on second homes. I feel like new taxes don't have a lot of success in the Republican-led Legislature, but it's a novel idea. There's bills that are looking to transfer surplus state-owned property that would be suitable for housing to developers for very low amounts. Then there are ideas about special assessment districts or tax increment financing for housing development, which, to keep it really simple, would be basically allowing special taxes or fees in certain areas that would go specifically to that infrastructure development and other supports that can really encourage housing.

Melanie Plenda:

How about school funding? Any chance the state will start helping towns fund their educational needs?

Anna Brown:

There are many proposals this year that are looking to change how the state law defines an adequate education and many bills that are looking to change the funding formula, particularly related to special education, because those costs have been going up a lot, and there's a limit on how much the state currently reimburses at the local level. But there's also an interesting sort of side debate that's happening about if schools can take out loans from the state. 

I don't think there's going to be major changes to the school-funding formula this year. I think the Legislature is likely to start talking about it. Since this has been an intractable issue for decades, I don't see any quick changes. In fact, some legislators have explicitly said they think the Supreme Court overstepped its bounds and they shouldn't make any changes in the Legislature. I am expecting to see maybe some changes around how budgeting happens for school districts at the local level.

Melanie Plenda:

What about the death penalty in New Hampshire? Do you think that will come up in 2026?

Anna Brown:

There are a few bills that are looking to reinstate the death penalty for capital murder. There's also interest in doing that for child sexual abuse.

This is really related to the fact that Gov. Kelly Ayotte was attorney general when Michael Addison's case came up — he is the only inmate we currently have on death row. New Hampshire does not have a death chamber. It does not have the capability to implement the death penalty. We repealed it about a decade ago. If it was reinstated, Governor Ayotte has said she's open to that. So this is really going to be a question of the legislature. 

I think we can all agree, whether you're for or against the death penalty, that this is an issue that really touches everyone. There are very strong ethical, legal and financial questions about this. I will say last time we repealed the death penalty, it was a squeaker vote. It barely went through. A lot of legislators changed their mind throughout the process of how they were voting. So I would also encourage people, if you have an opinion on this, to be engaging with your legislators.

Melanie Plenda:

What else do you expect to come up in the next few months? 

Anna Brown:

We’ve touched on school funding — that's really huge, along with gender and housing. I’d say those are probably the top issues that I'm going to be watching, along with child care. As for some other issues, a lot of legislation is looking at whether a site evaluation committee for landfills is needed.

Then there are two constitutional amendments that I think are intriguing, because the whole thing with a constitutional amendment is it doesn't go to the governor, it has to pass the Legislature with a supermajority, and then it goes to voters at the polls in November. The first one is a constitutional amendment that would legalize marijuana. This is an issue we've seen again and again. The governor has put a block on this. The House frequently has passed some version of marijuana legalization. I'm not sure if the Senate would be on board. 

The other constitutional amendment that I think is interesting would be protecting the right of same-sex marriage, interracial marriage, and so on. This relates to recent U.S. Supreme Court rulings, and there's concern that same-sex marriage is is not just a given. We need to aggressively protect this in New Hampshire, not just in state law, but the constitution itself. I think this is interesting, because at one point, not too long ago in our history, same-sex marriage was a very controversial issue. Now we've seen generally widespread acceptance of that among the public. But does that rise to the level where people are going to agree this needs to be in the state constitution? I'm not sure. But the fun thing about constitutional amendments is, as I said, voters will potentially have a chance to weigh in on the issue in November, so I'll be watching those debates closely.

Melanie Plenda:

Interesting as always. Thank you for joining us.


“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

Why the Granite State News Collaborative’s Community News Survey matters

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

The Granite State News Collaborative, a network of local news organizations, is conducting a Community News Survey to take the pulse of news consumers in New Hampshire. Melanie Plenda, host “The State We’re In” — who’s also executive director of the collaborative is here to tell us what the survey is, why it’s being done and why you might want to participate. 

Rosemary Ford:

Melanie, what is the Community News Survey, and why is the collaborative doing it?

Melanie Plenda:

It is exactly what it sounds like. It is a very short — we promise — series of questions just trying to get at the heart of what people want from their news. What are they missing? What do they care about? We want to know what you're concerned about and how you get your news.

The whole reason for doing this is not only to shape the coverage across the state from all of our local news partners, all of whom will have access to the survey results. It’s not only to make sure that we're covering the things that people actually care about and we're answering questions that people actually have, but we also want to assess, “Are we delivering news in a way that people are consuming it?” Because it’s great that we have amazing coverage and amazing reporters and they're doing all this great work, but if we're not delivering it in a way that people are wanting to receive it, then that's a real problem. So it's really going to help us to better understand how people are interacting with news, — whether they're even consuming local news, and if not, why not? And how we might bring them back to local news.

Rosemary Ford:

What sorts of questions does the survey have? 

Melanie Plenda:

We tried to keep it very straightforward and also a little open-ended because we wanted to let people really kind of not just be relegated to some multiple-choice questions.

We do ask, “What kind of news do you consume?” Where do you get your news? If you do consume local news, what outlets are you reading, listening, or watching? What concerns you? What questions do you have about those sorts of things?” We do understand there's lots of surveys out there, and people have a lot of demands on their time, so we wanted to be mindful of that. So we wanted to keep it short and sweet, but really still be able to get to the heart of what would help us better serve our communities?

Rosemary Ford:

How will this survey help the Collaborative better serve the community? What will the answers help you do?

Melanie Plenda:

All of our 20-plus partners will have access to the survey results. So from there, individual outlets can assess where their coverage is relative to what people say they want. They may be able to see that a lot of people are actually getting their news on social media. So how can they do a better job of disseminating that information out on social media?

From the Collaborative perspective, I can help gather up that information, disseminate it out to the partners. And then once they've had a chance to assess what their needs are, what resources do they need in order to be able to get the news out in a way that will satisfy community members? If it turns out they do need some additional resources, or if they need a larger project then that's where I come in, and GSNC as an organization, can try to fill in those gaps or try to coordinate projects that will better help the partners do the work that they are best at.

Rosemary Ford:

Can you tell us about some of the challenges the Granite State’s news organizations are facing in these times?

Melanie Plenda:

This is nothing new that local newsrooms — not only across the state, but across the country — have really taken a hit in the last couple of decades. And by that, I mean they've lost reporting staff. Let's say, they have 20-plus communities in their coverage area, and only two or three reporters — sometimes only one —  there to cover it. What happens then? A lot of that watchdog piece that we are supposed to be there for, a lot of community connection pieces, aren't able to happen and that's a real shame.

It takes a toll on communities when local newsrooms go away altogether. Then really people are only left with national news, or the sort of doomscrolling that we all do on social media, and that can lead to people being more polarized, that can lead to local decisions being made that really impact everyone's daily lives without local people having a say on that. 

Now that said, I will say, and I will brag about our local news partners a bit. While everyone has struggled with maintaining a staff that can do the job they need to do, I'm really and just humbled every day by how dedicated our local reporters, editors and publishers are here in New Hampshire. They don't use it as an excuse that they don't have as full of staff as they would like to have. They just keep going, and they keep serving their community as best they can.

Rosemary Ford:

According to the Pew Research Center, 70% of U.S. adults have trust in local news while only 56% have trust in national news. Why do you think there is such a significant difference between the two? How is that playing into what local news organizations are doing?

Melanie Plenda:

The only way I really know how to answer that question is by looking at how local news reporters conduct their business.

Local news reporters live in the communities or near the communities that they cover, which means they are not just taking in information about their community or learning about their community in the eight or 10 hours that they're on the job. They're living there. They're going to restaurants. They're going to local businesses. They send their kids to the local schools. They are part of the community there. They have a vested interest in the community, and I think that absolutely makes a difference in coverage. I think that means that maybe you have a vested interest in providing just straight-up information to your neighbors so that people can make decisions. 

I have a lot of respect for a lot of the national news outlets, and they do present information. But I also think that a lot of times, the coverage is more about horse races and it's more about conflict and less about actual policy and information about those things that people need to make their decisions.

I do think that there's a difference in the way people feel when they read local news. I think most people pick up on that. I think they know that if they have a problem with something that's written in the local newspaper or their local online news outlet, they can call that person up and have a conversation with them and talk it out. There is the connection with local news that you don't get from other news resources.

Rosemary Ford:

According to the Pew Research Center, 38% of adults regularly get their news from Facebook, and 55% of TikTok users get news updates there. What’s the impact of this on local news?

Melanie Plenda:

People get a lot of their news on social media. I don't see that, in and of itself, as a bad thing. I do think that we should give people more credit than we do. I think many of them can tell the difference between very obvious disinformation, and that’s not what I worry about. There are sources that present themselves as legitimate or who play just a little bit fast and loose with facts,and people not being able to discern the difference — or worse, and probably more likely, don't have time to go do their own research to suss out whether that is true or not. 

In my perfect world. I think that local news — and maybe this is kind of what I'm hoping we might learn from our survey — is that if this is where people are getting their news, then I kind of feel like we need to flood the zone with accurate local news. If more of us were finding ways to innovate and bring local news to where people are getting their news — whatever the platform, I think we'd be doing the community a great service. Then kind of screaming it from the rooftops that we’re there. That's what I would like to see. A lot of outlets are doing that, they just need to do it more and get more creative.

Rosemary Ford:

Could you tell us more about that? How are local outlets adapting to that kind of social media environment?

Melanie Plenda:

I have noticed a lot more outlets embracing things like the idea of starting a podcast, or they're doing vertical videos for online or they're giving quick hits from meetings — just like a quick result, saying the story will be out later. So really interacting one-on-one through social media with their audiences. I've seen that over the past few years for sure, and I think that that's only going to increase. 

People are picking up on these sorts of innovations and new technologies and new media, and bringing those into their newsrooms and integrating them more into their day-to-day. And I think that's only a good thing.

Rosemary Ford:

So beyond the community news survey, how else can New Hampshire residents support local news organizations?

Melanie Plenda:

I would say, first and foremost, if everyone who is scrolling their social media shared one local news story a day, just imagine how many more people would be able to get connected to their local news. I think that is one of the best things you can do — not only to support local news, but to support your communities. You can be confident that those stories are written by people who live here, who care about your community and are trying to do right by it. I feel like that is one of the best ways to support local news and to help your community. 

You can also get a subscription to your local news outlet. You can give gift subscriptions during the holidays, for a birthday, why not? You can also donate to news funds that accept donations. You can also just reach out to your local news organization and see if there's opportunities to contribute, either as a writer or a volunteer, or if you have a special skill that you might want to share — all of those things help keep local news strong and keep our community strong right along with it.

Rosemary Ford:

Thank you Melanie.To take the Community News Survey, you can visit collaborativenh.org/communitysurvey.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

What’s the winter forecast for New Hampshire?


By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Having just come off our first nor’easter early in the season, the winter ahead seems daunting. With predictions of arctic cold in the coming weeks, should Granite Staters be prepared to hunker down? The Old Farmer’s Almanac predicts a mild winter, but what can we really expect? Here to discuss this is Mary Stampone, New Hampshire’s state climatologist and associate professor in the geography department at the University of New Hampshire.  

Melanie Plenda:

What kind of weather can we expect this coming winter? Will it be a heavy snow season?

Mary Stampone:

I expect we'll see a bit of the full range of possible winter weather conditions this season. We've already experienced some severe cold and snow, and the coldest part of the season is still ahead of us, so we'll likely see more of that. It is equally likely that we'll experience some milder weather this winter, as that has become more common in response to global warming.

Melanie Plenda:

What is your process of collecting and analyzing climate data that will go out to the public? How do you spot patterns and make predictions from this?

Mary Stampone:

We all use weather forecasts for daily conditions, but when we need to look ahead over a month or a season, we usually refer to long-term outlooks, which go beyond the weather for the next week or two. Because we're looking so far ahead, the information and a seasonal outlook is less detailed than what we get with a weather forecast. 

So, for example, outlooks can't tell us what the temperature will be on any specific day in January or February, or even how much total snow we're going to get this season. But what they do give us is a sense of the type of conditions, and these general conditions are what we can most likely expect to experience over the course of the next several months. 

Melanie Plenda:

Can you tell us about the polar vortex? What is it and how will it affect us here in New Hampshire?

Mary Stampone:

The polar vortex is a low pressure system that sits high in the atmosphere. It's typically centered over the pole, but it exists year-round. It's not just a temporary thing. It's always hanging out there, and the spin around it keeps that cold arctic air in the Arctic.

Occasionally, it weakens, and when it weakens, it kind of wobbles around. It can even expand or split. When that happens, that cold arctic air can plunge south, even as far south as Florida. It brings colder-than-normal weather into the U.S. These events can happen once or twice a year, or even not at all. They typically last maybe a few weeks or so, and they're not a permanent weather pattern.

Melanie Plenda:

What does that usually look like when that does occur in New Hampshire?

Mary Stampone:

It tends to bring extremely cold and dangerous weather to New England. But again, it tends to be temporary. You may hear on your forecast, “We’re having an arctic outbreak or a cold weather outbreak headed our way.” A lot of times those are the kinds of patterns that we can expect with the polar vortex weakening.

Melanie Plenda:

Is the polar vortex weakening becoming more frequent, and how is it connected, if at all, with climate change? 

Mary Stampone:

This is a fantastic question. Overall, we don't have a long enough record to determine if there is a trend toward a more frequent weakening of the polar vortex, or if this is simply part of some natural variability that we haven't yet captured. However, recent observations indicate that the position of it and how strong or weak it is may be impacted by sea ice and the changes in sea surface temperatures and the air pressure associated with the loss of Arctic sea ice due to global warming. So there's a lot of uncertainty still here in the research, but there is a scientific basis for the idea that we could be seeing more cold air outbreaks as the world warms. 

Melanie Plenda:

How does this colder weather brought on by the polar vortex impact the state on a larger scale? Will it affect crops and agriculture?

Mary Stampone:

Again, this weakening pattern with the cold air plunge is a temporary pattern. It can be dangerous if you have to be outside, but again, it's usually a couple of weeks at most. 

So for us, we're expecting this pattern to kind of persist through December, but by the end of December, going into the new year, temperatures are expected to shift back to average, or even above average, for what we expect to be probably a milder winter, along the lines of what we've seen in recent years. 

Melanie Plenda:

Are there other impacts with the colder weather brought on by the weakening of the polar vortex?

Mary Stampone:

It's a dangerous cold as the event is happening, but once it strengthens and re-forms, things kind of go back to normal. So that cold air gets put back up into the Arctic, and we tend to have the normal. or the more average weather that we can expect. 

Melanie Plenda:

From a climate change perspective, what can New Hampshire residents expect going forward for winters here?

Mary Stampone:

Winters across the board in New England and the Northeast are warming, and with it, we're seeing less snow and ice as well as milder conditions. So fewer deep freezes — we still get them, obviously, we get them connected with the polar vortex weakening, but they're becoming less frequent over time. This has a lot of different impacts that kind of extend beyond the winter season.

But here, we're seeing a reduction in energy needed for heating in the winter. We're seeing a contraction of the winter season. So snow happens later, and snow melt happens earlier. We're also seeing mid- season melts that reduce our snowpack. These have implications beyond the winter season. Groundwater recharge during the spring can be impacted. Also, it's these deep freezes that help kind of manage invasive species, and so winter warming can have some impacts that go beyond just the winter season.

Melanie Plenda:

What about La Niña? Will that have an impact this winter?

Mary Stampone:

So La Niña is one part of that El Niño sea surface temperature pattern that we observe in the Pacific Ocean. It can impact weather in the midlatitudes across North America. La Niña winters generally tend to favor greater snowfall in the Northeastern U.S.

However, the strength of the pattern matters. A weak La Niña — which is what we're expected to be in through the end of December into January — is usually associated with a lot of uncertainty. It's very difficult to say that this winter is going to be snowier than average. When we're talking about a weak La Niña, overall, our seasonal outlooks still favor greater-than-average precipitation. 

Melanie Plenda:

What resources should the public be aware of in finding the most reliable winter weather updates and preparing for bad weather?

Mary Stampone:

First, I say go straight to the source, which is the National Weather Service. They have regional forecast offices that produce excellent forecast information. This is a great place to go anytime you want to kind of look ahead for any coming winter weather at home or wherever it is you might be traveling.

For folks who are heading up to the White Mountains this season, I would encourage you to look at the Mount Washington Observatory forecast. They provide really great detailed information for higher-elevation weather conditions, which can be very different from what we see at lower elevations.

And closer to home, in my experience, your local broadcast meteorology team tends to have some of the most accurate local-scale information on local conditions.

Melanie Plenda:

Mary, I’ll get my shovel ready! Thank you for joining us today.


“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

How Community Action Partnerships support New Hampshire residents in need of assistance

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

The holidays can be a difficult time for those who are struggling. As we begin this holiday season, we’re highlighting some of the organizations that support New Hampshire residents now and all year-round for those who may need assistance. The Community Action Partnership of New Hampshire is one example — it continues to aid residents across the state. That organization has five action agencies that support New Hampshire residents with resources such as access to food, energy and housing. Here to discuss what is offered locally is Betsey Andrews Parker, chief executive officer of the Community Action Partnership of Strafford County. 

Melanie Plenda:

To start, what is the Community Action Partnership of Strafford County? What kinds of resources do they provide for residents?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

Community Action really is a bunch of coordinated programs that wrap around families or individuals to help get them over that tough time. Community Action Partnership of Strafford County is just one of five Community Action agencies in the state of New Hampshire. We cover the entire state. So anyone in New Hampshire that is looking for that support because of a job loss, an unexpected bill that's put them over the edge, for rental assistance, etc., Community Action is there.

Melanie Plenda:

How does your organization’s services compare to the services provided by other Community Action Partnership offices? Are there any differences between what Strafford County offers versus other counties?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

We’re one of 1,000 across the country — Community Action was started back with the War on Poverty in 1965. Across the board in New Hampshire, you know you can access Head Start, weatherization, fuel assistance, housing supports — that’s very consistent across Community Action.

But what makes Community Action really different and unique is that we're about community. So we look locally in our area at what needs to be done that we can help address. We do that by doing a needs assessment every three years and working with our community partners to say, “Is there something that we can do?” For example, some operate shelters. Three of our Community Actions operate the BRIC ((Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities) program. What makes us different is that we all offer programs to help people who are experiencing low to moderate income be able to make their ends meet. We do it either directly or we partner with another organization. 

Melanie Plenda:

Who qualifies for these services? How can people find out what they are eligible to receive?

Betsey Andrews Parker: 

I would first of all encourage people to look up the Community Action Partnership of New Hampshire. You can actually go on and put your zip code in to find out exactly where your local Community Action office is, because we do have offices all across the state. 

When I say low to moderate income, that could mean a lot of things. Typically, people who are experiencing low income would be what we call 100% of the federal poverty level, and we go up to 200% of the poverty level. Basically for a family of four, that’s around $55,000, $56,000. We are targeting the people in New Hampshire who are working, who are working and disabled, who are seniors, a lot of folks who are working in lower-wage jobs who are barely making ends meet with rent, child care payments, health insurance payments. Those are the folks that are really qualifying for our services right now.

Melanie Plenda:

What is the process for applying for these services?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

Every program tends to be a little different, and I think that's what makes Community Actions some of the best-kept secrets around. It's our job to worry about the red tape and the nuances of paperwork. So when you come in, for example, and you have a young child — you may have been referred by your provider to our agency — we do an intake with that client, the age of the child, how many kids, what the needs are, what the income is, and we sort of wrap around and find out what it is needed. It's really trying to figure out what the needs of the client are and how it fits in. 

Melanie Plenda: 

Do you have an idea of how many people in New Hampshire use these services across the state?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

Just in Strafford County alone, we have over 19,000, and if you look at the number of people for fuel assistance alone, it’s over 60,000 households. We’re really not talking about a couple of thousand, we’re talking close to 100,000 households that access a Community Action in some way shape or form.

Melanie Plenda:

Are there any services that residents are using more frequently than others? Over the past few years, rent has increased dramatically in New Hampshire. Are more people seeking housing assistance, for example?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

COVID really showed us what the housing instability was in the area, and that has remained. I know there's lots of conversations and different schools of thought about why it has remained, but the one thing that we saw is that when we stabilize families with the Rental Assistance Program, we saw other things stabilize. We saw people were able to feed their families. We saw people were able to pay for their child care. We saw that they were able to pay off some of their debts, and we saw that they were able to remain stably housed. They had better health care outcomes, and they just had better attendance in our programs. So that money went away — and that also included one-time things like moving expenses, security deposits, first-month rent — and since then we have seen that that has been one of the biggest requests right now.

 Melanie Plenda:

According to a recent study from the U.S. Census Bureau, nearly one in three individuals experiencing poverty in New Hampshire are disabled. What specific services does your organization provide for these residents?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

I think fuel assistance is the big one that comes to mind. I think that one of the best things that New Hampshire does is when our program is open for enrollment, we target the most vulnerable, the disabled, people 65 and older, and families with children under the age of 5 because we do know how hard it is to heat a home. That is one big service that people do come to rely on because that big nugget of filling your oil tank or having that reduction of your electrical rates — that's one way we do it, with fuel assistance. If you have heat included in your rent, you get a discount on your rent. 

It's a really big piece that people who have a disability have as one of their tools in their toolbox to help offset the other costs, such as healthcare, transportation and food. I mean, let's not forget that our food expenses have gone up, and that's one thing I forgot to mention — that Community Action agencies across the board have nutrition programs. Community Action also is a distributor of what’s called commodity food programs, and we coordinate the distribution of a lot of the government surplus food that comes through to all of our soup kitchens, food pantries and shelters in New Hampshire. I think nutrition for people who are disabled, WIC, SNAP, our senior programs, our food pantries, Meals on Wheels programs that are operated through Community Action. We also have a summer meals program too. So again, it captures a lot of things to help families.

Melanie Plenda:

In President Trump’s proposal for the 2026 budget, he aims to get rid of the Community Service Block Grant program, which funds Community Action Partnership programs — New Hampshire received $4 million from this grant in 2024. If this grant goes away, how will it affect your organization in the coming years?

Betsey Andrews Parker:

Again, I come back to what makes Community Action Community Action. One of them is the Community Services Block Grant. If we were to lose that, the Community Action agencies in New Hampshire will not be able to respond as quickly and effectively to community needs as we are right now.

Melanie Plenda:

How can residents who may not need services support your organization? 

Betsey Andrews Parker:

First of all, we have an amazing federal delegation right now that advocates for us in Washington, D.C. Residents could also talk to our local state reps and town and city councils about how important Community Action is and the role that we fulfill in the communities. 

I think people who don't need Community Action services should talk to our local elected officials about what would happen to your local tax bill, to your welfare bill, to your other budgets and things. Who would pick up the slack if we were gone? There aren't enough public education slots here in the state of New Hampshire for public preschool for all of our Head Start kids. There are not enough dollars in local cities and towns to pick up the amount of money that is in fuel assistance. There certainly aren't enough child care slots. So I think that people here could talk about why Community Action is very, very important to our community. And, as always, you can give money, you can volunteer, and you can find ways to get involved. 

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you, Betsey, we really appreciate it. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.